African Leaders Photo Kenyatta Mboya Neyere Nairobi Kenya Vintage 1961 Original

£352.00 Buy It Now, Click to see shipping cost, 30-Day Returns, eBay Money Back Guarantee
Seller: memorabilia111 ✉️ (808) 100%, Location: Ann Arbor, Michigan, US, Ships to: US & many other countries, Item: 176270374143 AFRICAN LEADERS PHOTO KENYATTA MBOYA NEYERE NAIROBI KENYA VINTAGE 1961 ORIGINAL. A VINTAGE ORIGINAL PHOTO MEASURING 8X10 INCHES OF JOMO KENYATTA, TOM MBOYA  AND PRESIDENT NEYERE MAMMOTHY RALLT NAIROBI KENYA Jomo Kenyatta was a Kenyan anti-colonial activist and politician who governed Kenya as its Prime Minister from 1963 to 1964 and then as its first President from 1964 to his death in 1978 Thomas Joseph Odhiambo Mboya was a Kenyan trade unionist, educator, Pan-Africanist, author, independence activist, and statesman. He was one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Kenya. Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a Tanzanian anti-colonial activist, politician, teacher, former president and political theorist. He governed Tanganyika as Prime Minister from 1961 to 1962 and then as President from 1963 to 1964, after which he led its successor state, Tanzania, as President from 1964 to 1985.  10-9-61 AFrican leadiRS AFRICAN STADIUM.. hem note ralin at nairobi Jomo Kenyatta - tom Metya and MR. verere wanu among the vas Which stteaded the Maa at tse African Stadium in Nairooi today 8lly KEYSTONE PHOTO SHOWS: - LARI a happy mood during the Hall TSS KIXSTONE Nairobi today. 192572 5/735014


Julius Kambarage Nyerere (Swahili pronunciation: [ˈdʒuːlius kɑmˈbɑɾɑgɑ ɲɛˈɾɛɾɛ]; 13 April 1922 – 14 October 1999) was a Tanzanian anti-colonial activist, politician, teacher, former president and political theorist. He governed Tanganyika as Prime Minister from 1961 to 1962 and then as President from 1963 to 1964, after which he led its successor state, Tanzania, as President from 1964 to 1985. He was a founding member and chair of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) party, and of its successor Chama Cha Mapinduzi, from 1954 to 1990. Ideologically an African nationalist and African socialist, he promoted a political philosophy known as Ujamaa. Born in Butiama, western Mara Region, then in the British colony of Tanganyika, Nyerere was the son of a Zanaki King. After completing his schooling, he studied at Makerere College in Uganda and then Edinburgh University in Scotland. In 1952 he returned to Tanganyika, married, and worked as a school teacher. In 1954, he helped form TANU, through which he campaigned for Tanganyikan independence from the British Empire. Influenced by the Indian independence leader Mahatma Gandhi, Nyerere preached non-violent protest to achieve this aim. Elected to the Legislative Council in the 1958–1959 elections, Nyerere then led TANU to victory at the 1960 general election, becoming Prime Minister. Negotiations with the British authorities resulted in Tanganyikan independence in 1961. In 1962, Tanganyika became a republic, with Nyerere elected its first president. His administration pursued decolonisation and the "Africanisation" of the civil service while promoting unity between indigenous Africans and the country's Asian and European minorities. He encouraged the formation of a one-party state and unsuccessfully pursued the Pan-Africanist formation of an East African Federation with Uganda and Kenya. A 1963 mutiny within the army was suppressed with British assistance. Following the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964, the island of Zanzibar was unified with Tanganyika to form Tanzania. After this, Nyerere placed a growing emphasis on national self-reliance and socialism. Although his socialism differed from that promoted by Marxism–Leninism, Tanzania developed close links with Mao Zedong's Marxist-governed China. In 1967, Nyerere issued the Arusha Declaration which outlined his vision of ujamaa. Banks and other major industries and companies were nationalised; education and healthcare were significantly expanded. Renewed emphasis was placed on agricultural development through the formation of communal farms, although these reforms hampered food production and left areas dependent on food aid. His government provided training and aid to anti-colonialist groups fighting white-minority rule throughout southern Africa and oversaw Tanzania's 1978–1979 war with Uganda which resulted in the overthrow of Ugandan President Idi Amin. In 1985, Nyerere stood down and was succeeded by Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who reversed many of Nyerere's policies. He remained chair of Chama Cha Mapinduzi until 1990, supporting a transition to a multi-party system, and later served as mediator in attempts to end the Burundian Civil War. Nyerere was a controversial figure. Across Africa he gained widespread respect as an anti-colonialist and in power received praise for ensuring that, unlike many of its neighbours, Tanzania remained stable and unified in the decades following independence. His construction of the one-party state and use of detention without trial led to accusations of dictatorial governance, while he has also been blamed for economic mismanagement. He is held in deep respect within Tanzania, where he is often referred to by the Swahili honorific Mwalimu ("teacher") and described as the "Father of the Nation." Contents 1 Early life 1.1 Childhood: 1922–1934 1.2 Schooling: 1934–1942 1.3 Makerere College, Uganda: 1943–1947 1.4 Early teaching: 1947–1949 1.5 Edinburgh University: 1949–1952 2 Political activism 2.1 Founding the Tanganyika African National Union: 1952–1955 2.2 Touring Tanganyika: 1955–1959 2.3 TANU in government: 1959–1961 3 Premiership and Presidency of Tanganyika 3.1 Premiership of Tanganyika: 1961–1962 3.2 Presidency of Tanganyika: 1962–1964 3.2.1 Facing mutiny 4 Presidency of Tanzania 4.1 Unification with Zanzibar: 1964 4.2 Domestic and foreign affairs: 1964–1966 4.2.1 Foreign affairs 4.3 The Arusha Declaration: 1967–1970 4.4 Economic crises and war with Uganda: 1971–1979 4.4.1 Conflicts with Uganda 4.5 Final term in office: 1980–1985 5 Post-presidential activity 5.1 Final years: 1994–1999 6 Political ideology 6.1 Anti-colonialism, non-racialism, and Pan-Africanism 6.2 Democracy and the one-party state 6.3 African socialism 6.3.1 Socialism and Christianity 7 Personality and personal life 8 Cause for canonization 9 Reception and legacy 10 See also 11 References 11.1 Notes 11.2 Footnotes 11.3 Sources 11.4 Further reading 12 External links Early life Childhood: 1922–1934 Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born on 13 April 1922 in Mwitongo, an area of the village of Butiama in Tanganyika's Mara Region.[2][a] He was one of 25 surviving children of Nyerere Burito, the chief of the Zanaki people.[4] Burito had been born in 1860 and given the name "Nyerere" ("caterpillar" in Zanaki) after a plague of worm caterpillars infested the local area at the time of his birth.[5] Burito had been appointed chief in 1915, installed in that position by the German imperial administrators of what was then German East Africa;[5] his position was also endorsed by the incoming British imperial administration.[6] Burito had 22 wives, of whom Julius' mother, Mugaya Nyang'ombe, was the fifth.[7] She had been born in 1892 and had married the chief in 1907, when she was fifteen.[8] Mugaya bore Burito four sons and four daughters, of which Nyerere was the second child; two of his siblings died in infancy.[9] These wives lived in various huts around Burito's cattle corral, in the centre of which was his roundhouse.[10] The Zanaki were one of the smallest of the 120 tribes in the British colony and were then sub-divided among eight chiefdoms; they would only be united under the kingship of Chief Wanzagi Nyerere, Burito's half-brother, in the 1960s.[11] Nyerere's clan were the Abhakibhweege.[12] At birth, Nyerere was given the personal name "Mugendi" ("Walker" in Zanaki) but this was soon changed to "Kambarage", the name of a female rain spirit, at the advice of a omugabhu diviner.[13] Nyerere was raised into the polytheistic belief system of the Zanaki,[14] and lived at his mother's house, assisting in the farming of the millet, maize and cassava.[13] With other local boys he also took part in the herding of goats and cattle.[15] At some point he underwent the Zanaki's traditional circumcision ritual at Gabizuryo.[16] As the son of a chief he was exposed to African-administered power and authority,[17] and living in the compound gave him an appreciation for communal living that would influence his later political ideas.[18] Schooling: 1934–1942 The British colonial administration encouraged the education of chiefs' sons, believing that this would help to perpetuate the chieftain system and prevent the development of a separate educated indigenous elite who might challenge colonial governance.[19] At his father's prompting, Nyerere began his education at the Native Administration School in Mwisenge, Musoma in February 1934, about 35 km from his home.[20] This placed him in a privileged position; most of his contemporaries at Butiama could not afford a primary education.[21] His education was in Swahili, a language he had to learn while there.[22] Nyerere excelled at the school, and after six months his exam results were such that he was allowed to skip a grade.[23] He avoided sporting activities and preferred to read in his dormitory during free time.[24] While at the school he also underwent the Zanaki tooth filing ritual to have his upper-front teeth sharpened into triangular points.[25] It may have been at this point that he took up smoking, a habit he retained for several decades.[26] He also began to take an interest in Roman Catholicism, although was initially concerned about abandoning the veneration of his people's traditional gods.[11] With school friend Mang'ombe Marwa, Nyerere trekked 14 miles to the Nyegina Mission Centre, run by the White Fathers, to learn more about the Christian religion; although Marwa eventually stopped, Nyerere continued.[27] His elementary schooling ended in 1936; his final exam results were the highest of any pupil in the Lake Province and Western Province region.[28] His academic excellence allowed him to gain a government scholarship to attend the elite Tabora Government School, a secondary school in Tabora.[29] There, he again avoided sporting activities but helped to set up a Boy Scout's brigade after reading Scouting for Boys.[30] Fellow pupils later remembered him as being ambitious and competitive, eager to come top of the class in examinations.[31] He used books in the school library to advance his knowledge of the English language to a high standard.[32] He was heavily involved in the school's debating society,[33] and teachers recommended him as head prefect, but this was vetoed by the headmaster, who described Nyerere as being "too kind" for the position.[34] In keeping with Zanaki custom, Nyerere entered into an arranged marriage with a girl named Magori Watiha, who was then only three or four years old but had been selected for him by his father. At the time they continued to live apart.[35] In March 1942, during Nyerere's final year at Tabora, his father died; the school refused his request to return home for the funeral.[36] Nyerere's brother, Edward Wanzagi Nyerere, was appointed as their father's successor.[37] Nyerere then decided to be baptised as a Roman Catholic;[38] at his baptism, he took on the name "Julius",[39] although later stated that it was "silly" that Catholics should "take a name other than a tribal name" on baptism.[40] Makerere College, Uganda: 1943–1947 The main building at Makere University in Uganda, where Nyerere studied a teacher training course In October 1941, Nyerere completed his secondary education and decided to study at Makerere College in the Ugandan city of Kampala.[41] He secured a bursary to fund a teacher training course there,[42] arriving in Uganda in January 1943.[43] At Makerere, he studied alongside many of East Africa's most talented students,[44] although spent little time socialising with others, instead focusing on his reading.[45] He took courses in chemistry, biology, Latin, and Greek.[46] Deepening his Catholicism, he studied the Papal Encyclicals and read the work of Catholic philosophers like Jacques Maritain;[46] most influential however were the writings of the liberal British philosopher John Stuart Mill.[47] He won a literary competition with an essay on the subjugation of women, for which he had applied Mill's ideas to Zanaki society.[48] Nyerere was also an active member of the Makere Debating Society,[45] and established a branch of Catholic Action at the university.[46] In July 1943, he wrote a letter to the Tanganyika Standard in which he discussed the ongoing Second World War and argued that capitalism was alien to Africa and that the continent should turn to "African socialism"; in his words, "the African is by nature a socialistic being".[49] His letter went on to state that "the educated African should take the lead" in moving the population towards a more explicitly socialist model.[50] Molony thought that the letter "serves to mark the beginnings of Nyerere's political maturation, chiefly in absorbing and developing the views of leading black thinkers of the time."[50] In 1943, Nyerere, Andrew Tibandebage, and Hamza Kibwana Bakari Mwapachu founded the Tanganyika African Welfare Association (TAWA) to assist the small number of Tanganyikan students at Makerere.[51] TAWA was allowed to die off, and in its place Nyerere revived the largely moribund Makerere chapter of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), although this too had ceased functioning by 1947.[52] Although aware of racial prejudice from the white colonial minority, he insisted on treating people as individuals, recognising that many white individuals were not bigoted towards indigenous Africans.[53] After three years, Nyerere graduated from Makerere with a diploma in education.[54] Early teaching: 1947–1949 On leaving Makerere, Nyerere returned home to Zanaki territory to build a house for his widowed mother, before spending his time reading and farming in Butiama.[55] He was offered teaching positions at both the state-run Tabora Boys' School and the mission-run St Mary's, but chose the latter despite it offering a lower wage.[56] He took part in a public debate with two teachers from the Tabora Boys' School, in which he argued against the statement that "The African has benefitted more than the European since the partition of Africa"; after winning the debate, he was subsequently banned from returning to the school.[57] Outside school hours, he gave free lessons in English to older locals,[58] and also gave talks on political issues.[59] He also worked briefly as a price inspector for the government, going into stores to check what they were charging, although quit the position after the authorities ignored his reports about false pricing.[60] While in Tabora, the woman whom Nyerere was arranged to marry, Magori Watiha, was sent to live with him to pursue her primary education there, although he forwarded her to live with his mother.[61] Instead, he began courting Maria Gabriel, a teacher at Nyegina Primary School in Musoma; although from the Simbiti tribe, she shared with Nyerere a devout Catholicism.[62] He proposed marriage to her and they became informally engaged at Christmas 1948.[63] In Tabora, he intensified his political activities, joining the local branch of the TAA and becoming its treasurer.[64] The branch opened a co-operative shop selling basic goods like sugar, flour, and soap.[65] In April 1946 he attended the organisation's conference in Dar es Salaam, where the TAA officially declared itself committed to supporting independence for Tanganyika.[66] With Tibandebage he worked on rewriting the TAA's constitution and used the group to mobilise opposition to Colonial Paper 210 in the district, believing that the electoral reform was designed to further privilege the white minority.[67] At St Mary's, Father Richard Walsh—an Irish priest who was director of the school—encouraged Nyerere to consider additional education in the United Kingdom. Walsh convinced Nyerere to take the University of London's matriculation examination, which he passed with second division in January 1948.[68] He applied for funding from the Colonial Development and Welfare Scheme and was initially unsuccessful, although succeeded on his second attempt, in 1949.[69] He agreed to study abroad, although expressed some reluctance because it meant that he would no longer be able to provide for his mother and siblings.[70] Edinburgh University: 1949–1952 The Old College in Edinburgh In April 1949, Nyerere flew from Dar es Salaam to Southampton, England.[71] He then travelled, by train, from London to Edinburgh.[72] In the city, Nyerere took lodgings in a building for "colonial persons" in The Grange suburb.[73] Starting his studies at the University of Edinburgh, he began with a short course in chemistry and physics and also passed Higher English in the Scottish Universities Preliminary Examination.[74] In October 1949 he was accepted for entry to study for a Master of Arts degree at the University of Edinburgh's Faculty of Arts; his was an Ordinary Degree of Master of Arts which, in contrast to common uses of the term "Master of Arts", was considered an undergraduate rather than postgraduate degree, the equivalent of a Bachelor of Arts in most English universities.[75] In 1949, Nyerere was one of only two black students from the British East African territories studying in Scotland.[76] In the first year of his MA studies, he took courses in English literature, political economy, and social anthropology; in the latter, he was tutored by Ralph Piddington.[77] In the second, he selected courses in economic history and British history, the latter taught by Richard Pares, whom Nyerere later described as "a wise man who taught me very much about what makes these British tick".[78] In the third year, he took the constitutional law course run by Lawrence Saunders and moral philosophy.[79] Although his grades were not outstanding, they enabled him to pass all of his courses.[80] His tutor in moral philosophy described him as "a bright and lively member of the class and of the parties".[81] Nyerere gained many friends in Edinburgh,[82] and socialised with Nigerians and West Indians living in the city.[83] There are no reports of Nyerere experiencing racial prejudice while in Scotland; although it is possible he did encounter it, many black students in Britain at the time reported that white British students were generally less prejudiced than other sectors of the population.[84] In classes, he was generally treated as the equal of his white fellows, which gave him additional confidence,[80] and may have help mould his belief in multi-racialism.[85] During his time in Edinburgh, he may have engaged in part-time work to support himself and family in Tanganyika; he and other students went on a working holiday to a Welsh farm where they engaged in potato picking.[86] In 1951, he travelled down to London to meet with other Tanganyikan students and attend the Festival of Britain.[87] That same year, he co-wrote an article for The Student magazine in which he criticised plans to incorporate Tanganyika into the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, which he and co-author John Keto noted was designed to further white minority control in the region.[88] In February 1952, he attended a meeting on the issue of the Federation that was organised by the World Church Group; among those speaking at the meeting was the medical student—and future Malawian leader—Hastings Banda.[89] In July 1952, Nyerere graduated from the university with an Ordinary Degree of Master of Arts.[90] Leaving Edinburgh that week, he was granted a short British Council Visitorship to study educational institutions in England, basing himself in London.[91] Political activism Founding the Tanganyika African National Union: 1952–1955 Having sailed aboard the SS Kenya Castle, Nyerere arrived back in Dar es Salaam in October 1952.[92] He took the train to Mwanza and then a lake steamer to Musoma before reaching Zanaki lands.[93] There, he built a mud-brick house for himself and his fiancé, Maria;[94] they were married at Musoma mission on 24 January 1953.[95] They soon moved to Pugu, closer to Dar es Salaam, when Nyerere was hired to teach history at St Francis' College, one of the leading schools for indigenous Africans in Tanganyika.[95] In 1953 the couple had their first child, Andrew.[96] Nyerere became increasingly involved in politics;[97] in April 1953, he was elected president of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA).[98] His ability to take on the position was influenced by his good oratorical skills and by the fact that he was Zanaki; had he been from one of the larger ethnic groups he may have faced greater opposition from members of rival tribes.[99] Under Nyerere, the TAA gained an increasingly political dimension, devoted to the pursuit of Tanganyikan independence from the British Empire.[99] Nyerere himself was, according to Bjerk, "catapulted to prominence" as "a standard-bearer of the burgeoning independence movement".[100] In campaigning for Tanganyikan independence using non-violent methods, Nyerere was inspired by the example of Indian independence leader Mahatma Gandhi. On 7 July 1954 Nyerere, assisted by Oscar Kambona, transformed the TAA into a new political party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU).[101] Among the early TANU members were the three sons of Kleist Sykes, Dossa Aziz, and John Rupia, the latter an entrepreneur who had established himself as one of the wealthiest indigenous Africans in the country.[99] Rupia served as the group's first treasurer and largely funded the organisation in its early years.[99] The colony's governor appointed Nyerere to fill a temporary vacancy on its legislative council generated after David Makwaia was sent to London to serve on the Royal Commission for Land and Population Problems.[102] His first speech at the legislative council dealt with the need for more schools in the country.[102] When he said that he would oppose proposed government regulations to raise salaries for civil servants, the government recalled Makwaia from London to ensure Nyerere's removal.[102] At TANU meetings, Nyerere insisted on the need for Tanganyikan independence, but maintained that the country's European and Asian minorities would not be ejected by an African-led independent government.[103] He greatly admired the Indian independence leader Mahatma Gandhi and endorsed Gandhi's approach to attaining independence through non-violent protest.[104] The colonial government closely monitored his activities;[105] they had concerns that Nyerere would instigate a violent anti-colonial rebellion akin to the Mau Mau Uprising in neighbouring Kenya.[106] In August 1954, the United Nations had sent a mission to Tanganyika which subsequently published a report recommending a twenty to twenty-five year timetable for the colony's independence.[107] The UN was set to discuss the issue further at a trusteeship council in New York City, with TANU sending Nyerere to be its representative there.[108] At the British government's request, the United States agreed to prevent Nyerere staying for more than 24 hours before the meeting or moving outside an eight-block radius of the UN headquarters.[109] Nyerere arrived in the city in March 1955, as part of a trip funded largely by Rupia.[109] To the trusteeship council he said that: "with your help and with the help of the [British] Administering Authority we would be governing ourselves long before twenty to twenty-five years."[110] This seemed highly ambitious to everyone at the time.[110] The government pressured Nyerere's employer to sack him because of his pro-independence activities. On his return from New York, Nyerere resigned from the school, in part because he did not wish his ongoing employment to cause trouble for the missionaries.[111] In April 1955 he and his wife returned to his Zanaki homestead.[112] He turned down offers of employment from a newspaper and an oil company,[112] instead accepting a job as a translator and tutor for the Maryknoll Fathers, who were preparing a mission amongst the Zanaki.[113] By the late 1950s, TANU had extended its influence throughout the country and gained considerable support.[114] TANU had 100,000 members in 1955, which had grown to 500,000 by 1957.[115] Touring Tanganyika: 1955–1959 Nyerere returned to Dar es Salaam in October 1955.[116] From then until Tanzania secured independence, he toured the country almost continuously, often in TANU's Land Rover.[117] The British colonial Governor of Tanganyika, Edward Twining, disliked Nyerere, regarding him as a racialist who wanted to impose indigenous domination over the European and South Asian minorities.[118] In December 1955, Twining established the "multi-racial" United Tanganyika Party (UTP) to combat TANU's African nationalist message.[119] Nyerere nevertheless stipulated that "we are fighting against colonialism, not against the whites".[120] He befriended members of the white minority, such as Lady Marion Chesham, a U.S.-born widow of a British farmer, who served as a liaison between TANU and Twining's government.[121] A 1958 editorial in the TANU newsletter Sauti ya Tanu (Voice of TANU) that had been written by Nyerere called on the party's members to avoid participating in violence.[122] It also criticised two of the country's district commissioners, accusing one of trying to undermine TANU and another of putting a chief on trial for "cooked-up reasons". In response, the government filed three counts of criminal libel.[122] The trial took almost three months. Nyerere was found guilty, with the judge stipulating that he could either pay a £150 fine or go to prison for six months; he chose the former.[123] Twining announced that elections for a new legislative council would take place in early 1958. These would be organised around ten constituencies, each electing three members of the council: one indigenous African, one European, and one South Asian.[124] This would end the concentration of political representation entirely with the European minority, but still meant that the three ethnic blocs would receive equal representation despite the fact that indigenous Africans made up over 98% of the country's population.[103] For this reason, most of TANU's leadership believed that it should boycott the election.[125] Nyerere disagreed. In his view, TANU should participate and seek to secure the majority of the indigenous African representatives to advance their political leverage. If they abstained, he argued, the UTP would win the elections, TANU would be forced to operate entirely outside of government, and it would delay the process of attaining independence. At a January 1958 conference in Tabora, Nyerere convinced TANU to take part.[125] In these elections, which took place over the course of 1958 and 1959, TANU won every seat it contested.[126] Nyerere stood as TANU's candidate in the Eastern Province seat against an independent candidate, Patrick Kunambi, securing 2600 votes to Kunambi's 800.[126] Some of the European and Asian candidates elected were TANU sympathisers, ensuring that the council was dominated by the party.[127] TANU in government: 1959–1961 Nyerere campaigning for Tanganyikan independence in March 1961 In March 1959, the new British Governor of Tanganyika, Richard Turnbull, gave TANU five of the twelve ministerial posts available in the colony's government.[126] Turnbull was prepared to work for a peaceful transition to independence.[127] In 1959, Nyerere visited Edinburgh.[106] In 1960, he attended a conference of independent African states in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, at which he presented a paper calling for the formation of an East African Federation. He suggested that Tanganyika could delay its attainment of independence from the British Empire until neighbouring Kenya and Uganda were able to do the same. In his view, it would be much easier for the three countries to unite at the same point as independence than after it, for beyond that point their respective governments might feel that they were losing sovereignty through unification.[128] Many senior TANU members opposed the idea of delaying Tanganyikan independence;[128] the party had been growing, and as of 1960 had over a million members.[129] In the August 1960 general election, TANU won 70 of the 71 available seats.[128] As TANU's leader, Nyerere was called to form a new government;[128] he became its chief minister.[130] That year, British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan gave his "Wind of Change" speech, indicating British willingness to dismantle the empire in Africa.[130] In March 1961, a constitutional conference was held in Dar es Salaam to determine the nature of an independent constitution; both anti-colonial campaigners and British officials attended.[128] As a concession to the UK's colonial secretary Iain Macleod, Nyerere agreed that after independence, Tanganyika would retain the British Queen Elizabeth II as its head of state for a year before becoming a republic.[128] In May, Tanganyika achieved self-governance.[131] One of Nyerere's first acts as Prime Minister was to stop the supply of Tanganyikan labourers to South African gold mines. Although this resulted in a loss of around £500,000 a year for Tanganyika, Nyerere regarded it as a necessary act in expressing opposition to the apartheid system of white-minority rule and racial segregation implemented in South Africa.[131] Premiership and Presidency of Tanganyika Premiership of Tanganyika: 1961–1962 Nyerere as leader of the Legislative Council On 9 December 1961, Tanganyika gained independence, an event marked by a ceremony at National Stadium.[132] A law was soon presented to the Assembly that would restrict citizenship to indigenous Africans; Nyerere spoke out against the bill, comparing its racialism to the ideas of Adolf Hitler and Hendrik Verwoerd, and threatened to resign if it passed.[133] Six weeks after independence, in January 1962 Nyerere resigned as Prime Minister,[134] intent on focusing on restructuring TANU and trying to "work out our own pattern of democracy".[135] Retreating to become a parliamentary back bencher,[136] he appointed close political ally Rashidi Kawawa as the new Prime Minister.[137] He toured the country, giving speeches in towns and villages in which he emphasised the need for self-reliance and hard work.[138] In 1962, his alma mater at Edinburgh awarded Nyerere with a Honorary Degree of Doctor of Laws.[139] During Tanganyika's first year of independence, its government focused largely on domestic problems.[140] Under a government self-help programme, villagers were encouraged to devote a day's work a week to a community project, such as constructing roads, wells, schools, and clinics.[141] A national youth service called Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa (JKT – "army to build the country") was created to encourage young people to engage in public works and paramilitary training.[142] In February 1962, the government announced its desire to convert the pervasive system of freehold land ownership into a leasehold system, the latter of which was deemed to be a better reflection of traditional indigenous ideas about communal land ownership.[143] Nyerere wrote an article, "Ujamaa" ("Familyhood") in which he explained and praised this policy; in this article he expressed many of his ideas about African socialism.[143] For Nyerere, ujamaa could provide a "national ethic" that was distinct from the colonial era and would help to cement Tanganyika's independent course amid the Cold War.[144] Six months after independence, the government abolished the jobs and salaries of hereditary chiefs, whose positions conflicted with government officials and who were often regarded as too close to the colonial authorities.[141] The government also pursued the "Africanization" of the civil service, giving severance pay to several hundred white British civil servants and appointing indigenous Africans in their place, many of whom were insufficiently trained.[145] Nyerere acknowledged that such affirmative action was discriminatory towards white and Asian citizens, but argued that it was temporarily necessary to redress the imbalance caused by colonialism.[146] By the end of 1963, about half of senior and middle-grade posts in the civil service were held by indigenous Africans.[147] You go through two stages in these colonial countries. One is when midnight comes; the clock strikes, and you are independent. Fine. But then begins a whole process of changing conditions and changing people. I had been talking to the people, telling them that the second process would not be easy... But one thing must change after midnight: the attitudes of the colonial people, their way of treating Africans as nothing. This must change after midnight. The colonized are now the rulers, and the man in the street must see this! If they have been spitting in his face, now it must stop! After midnight! This cannot take twenty years! We had to drive this lesson home. — Julius Nyerere on the deportation of white British individuals accused of racism[148] Over the following year, several Britons accused of racism were deported; concerns were raised about the lack of due process.[149] Nyerere defended the deportations, stating: "for many years we Africans have suffered humiliations in our own country. We are not going to suffer them now."[148] After the Safari Hotel in Arusha was accused of insulting Guinean President Ahmed Sékou Touré on the latter's June 1963 state visit, the government closed it.[148] When the white-dominated Dar es Salaam Club refused admission to 69 TANU members, the government dissolved the club and appropriated its assets.[150] Nyerere avoided becoming personally embroiled in these controversies, which brought accusations of government hypersensitivity from some foreign media.[150] Opposition to TANU's rule formalised into two small political parties: the senior trade unionist Christopher S. K. Tumbo founded the People's Democratic Party, while Zuberi Mtemvu formed the African National Congress, which wanted a more racialist anti-colonial stance.[151] The government thought itself vulnerable and in 1962 introduced a law banning workers' strikes and the Preventative Detention Law, through which it could detain without trial individuals deemed a threat to national security.[152] Nyerere defended this measure,[153] pointing to similar laws in the United Kingdom and India, and stating that the government needed it as a safeguard given the weak state of both the police and army. He expressed the hope that the government would never have to use it, and noted that they were aware how it "could be a convenient tool in the hands of an unscrupulous government".[147] The government drew up plans to create a new constitution which would convert Tanganyika from a monarchy with the British Queen as its head of state into a republic with an elected President as head of state. This President would be elected by the population, and they would then appoint a Vice President, who would preside over the National Assembly, Tanganyika's parliament.[136] Biographer William Edgett Smith later noted that it was "a foregone conclusion" that Nyerere would be selected as TANU's candidate for president.[154] In the November presidential election, he secured 98.1% of the vote, defeating Mtemvu.[155] After the election, Nyerere announced that TANU's National Executive Committee had voted to ask the party's national conference to widen membership to all Tanganyikans. During the anti-colonial struggle, only indigenous Africans had been permitted to join, but Nyerere now stated that it should welcome white and Asian members.[156] He also stipulated that "complete political amnesty" should be granted to anyone expelled from the party since 1954, allowing them to rejoin.[154] In early 1963, Amir Jamal, an Asian Tanganyikan, became the party's first non-indigenous member; the white Derek Bryceson became its second.[154] Nyerere welcomed Asians and Europeans into the cabinet to counter potential racial resentment from these minorities.[157] Nyerere saw it as importance to build a "national consciousness" that transcended ethnic and religious lines.[158] Presidency of Tanganyika: 1962–1964 President Nyerere and U.S. President John F. Kennedy in 1963. Nyerere later commented that he had "great respect" for Kennedy, whom he regarded as a "good man".[159] On 9 December 1962, a year after independence, Tanganyika became a republic.[149] Nyerere moved into the State House in Dar es Salaam, the former official residence of British governors.[160] Nyerere disliked life in the building, but remained there until 1966.[161] Nyerere appointed Kawawa his Vice President.[162] In 1963, he put his name forward to be Rector of Edinburgh University, vowing to travel to Scotland whenever needed; the position instead went to the actor James Robertson Justice.[163] He made official visits to West Germany, the United States, Canada, Algeria, Scandinavia, Guinea, and Nigeria.[164] In the U.S. he met President John F. Kennedy and although they personally liked each other, he failed to convince Kennedy to toughen his stance on apartheid South Africa.[165] The early years of Nyerere's presidency were preoccupied largely by African affairs.[164] In February 1963, he attended the Afro-Asian Solidarity conference in Moshi, where he cited the recent Congolese situation as an example of the neo-colonialism, describing it as part of a "second" Scramble for Africa.[164] In May, he attended the founding session of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) at Addis Ababa in Ethiopia, there echoing his previous message, stating that "the real humiliating truth is that Africa is not free; and therefore it is Africa which should take the necessary collective measures to free Africa."[164] He hosted the OAU's Liberation Committee in Dar es Salaam and provided weapons and support to anti-colonial movements active in southern Africa.[165] Nyerere endorsed the Pan-Africanist idea of unifying Africa as a single state, although he disagreed with the Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah's view that this could be achieved quickly. Instead, Nyerere stressed the idea of forming regional confederations as short-term steps towards the eventual unification of the continent.[166] Pursuing these ideals, in June 1963 Nyerere met with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta and Ugandan President Milton Obote in Nairobi, where they agreed to unite their respective countries into a single East African Federation by the end of the year. This, however, never materialised.[167] In December 1963, Nyerere lamented that this failure was the major disappointment of the year.[168] Instead, the East African Community was launched in 1967, to facilitate some cooperation between the three countries.[169] Later, Nyerere saw his inability to establish an East African Federation as the biggest failure of his career.[170] Nyerere was concerned by developments in Zanzibar, a pair of islands off of Tanganyika's coast. He noted that it was "very vulnerable to outside influences", which could in turn impact Tanganyika.[171] Nyerere was keen to keep Cold War conflicts between the U.S. and Soviet Union out of eastern Africa.[172] Zanzibar secured independence from the British Empire in 1963,[173] and in January 1964 the Zanzibar Revolution took place, in which the Arab Sultan Jamshid bin Abdullah was overthrown and replaced by a government consisting largely of indigenous Africans.[174] Nyerere was taken by surprise by the revolution.[175] Like Kenya and Uganda, he quickly recognised the new government, although allowed the deposed Sultan to land in Tanganyika and from there fly to London.[175] At the request of the new Zanzibar government, he sent 300 policemen to the island to help restore order.[176] Facing mutiny In January 1964, Nyerere ended affirmative action hiring for the civil service.[177] Believing the colonial imbalance to have been redressed, he stated: "it would be wrong for us to continue to distinguish between Tanganyikan citizens on any grounds other than those of character and ability to do specific tasks".[168] Many trade unionists denounced the discontinuation of the policy and it proved the catalyst for an army mutiny.[178] On 20 January, a small group of soldiers in the First Battalion calling themselves the Army Night Freedom Fighters launched an uprising, demanding the dismissal of their white officers and a pay rise.[179] The mutineers left the Colito Barracks and entered Dar es Salaam, where they seized the State House. Nyerere narrowly escaped, hiding in a Roman Catholic mission for two days.[180] The mutineers captured senior government figure Oscar Kambona, forcing him to dismiss all white officers and appoint the indigenous Elisha Kavana as head of the Tanganyika Rifles.[181] The Second Battalion, based in Tabora, also mutineed, with Kambona acceding to their demands to appoint the indigenous Mrisho Sarakikya as their battalion leader.[182] Having agreed to many of their demands, Kambona convinced the First Battalion mutineers to return to their barracks.[183] Similar yet smaller mutinies broke out in Kenya and Uganda, with the governments of both calling for British military assistance in suppressing the uprisings.[184] The whole week has been one of most grievous shame for our nation. It will take months and even years to erase from the mind of the world what it has heard about these events this week. — Julius Nyerere on the army mutiny[185] On 22 January, Nyerere came out of hiding; the next day he gave a press conference stating that Tanganyika's reputation had been damaged by the mutiny and that he would not call for military assistance from the UK.[186] Two days later, he requested British military assistance, which was granted. On 25 January 60 British marine commandos were helicoptered into the city, where they landed next to the Colito Barracks; the mutineers soon surrendered.[187] In the wake of the mutiny, Nyerere disbanded the First Battalion and dismissed hundreds of soldiers from the Second Battalion.[188] Concerned about dissent more broadly, he discharged about ten percent of the 5000-strong police force, and oversaw the arrest of around 550 people under the Preventative Detention Act, although most were swiftly released.[188] He denounced the ringleaders of the mutiny for trying to "intimidate our nation at the point of a gun",[189] and fourteen of them were given sentences of between five and fifteen years imprisonment.[188] As the British marines left, he brought in the Nigerian Third Battalion to keep order.[190] Nyerere attributed the mutiny to the fact that his government had failed to do enough to change the army since colonial times: "We changed the uniforms a bit, we commissioned a few Africans, but at the top they were still solidly British... You could never consider it an army of the people."[191] Acknowledging some of the mutineers demands, he appointed Sarakikya as the new commander of the army and raised troop wages.[188] After the mutiny, Nyerere's government became increasingly focused on security, placing TANU personnel into the army as well as state-owned industry to entrench party control throughout the country.[192] Presidency of Tanzania Unification with Zanzibar: 1964 Nyerere in a public procession Following the Zanzibari Revolution, Abeid Karume declared himself President of a one-party state and began redistributing Arab-owned land among black African peasants.[193] Hundreds of Arabs and Indians left, as did most of the island's British community.[193] Western powers were reluctant to recognise Karume's government, whereas the Soviet Union, Eastern Bloc, and People's Republic of China quickly did so and offered the country aid.[194] Nyerere was angry at this Western response as well as the wider Western failure to appreciate why black Zanzibaris had revolted in the first place.[195] In April he visited Karume; the following day they announced the political unification of Tanganyika and Zanzibar.[196] Nyerere dismissed suggestions that this had anything to do with Cold War power struggles, presenting it as a response to Pan-Africanist ideology: "Unity in our continent does not have to come via Moscow or Washington."[197] Later biographer William Edgett Smith however suggested that a key reason for Nyerere's desire for unification was to prevent Zanzibar falling into a Cold War proxy conflict akin to those then raging in Congo and Vietnam.[198] Nyerere meeting with visitors from the United Nations An interim constitution for the "United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar" presented Nyerere as the country's president, with Karume as its first vice president and Rashidi Kawawa as its second vice president.[199] In August, the government launched a competition to find a new name for the country; two months later it announced that the winning proposal was "United Republic of Tanzania".[200] There was no immediate change to the structure of the Zanzibari government; Karume and his Revolutionary Council remained in charge,[201] and there was no merging of TANU and the Afro-Shirazi Party.[202] There would be no local or parliamentary elections on the island for many years.[203] Zanzibaris made up only 350,000 out of Tanzania's total population of 13 million, although from 1967 they were given seven of the 22 cabinet positions and directly appointed 40 of the country's 183 members of parliament.[204] Nyerere explained this disproportionately high representation by stressing the need for sensitivity to the islanders' national pride; in 1965, he stated that "The Zanzibaris are a proud people. No one has ever intended that they should become simply the Republic's eighteenth region."[204] Karume was erratic and unpredictable.[205] He was a source of repeated embarrassment to Nyerere, who tolerated him for the sake of Tanzanian unity.[206] In one instance in August 1969, Zanzibari authorities arrested 14 men whom they accused of plotting a coup. Mainland authorities had assisted in the arrests, but—contrary to Nyerere's intentions—the arrested men were tried in secret and four of them secretly executed.[206] Nyerere was further embarrassed by the habit of Karume and other Zanzibari Revolutionary Council members for pressuring Arab girls into marriage and then arresting their relatives to ensure compliance.[207] As a result of rising international prices in cloves, Karume amassed £30 million in foreign exchange reserves, which he kept from the central Tanzanian government.[205] In April 1972, Karume was assassinated by four gunmen.[208] Domestic and foreign affairs: 1964–1966 In the September 1965 general election, a presidential vote took place across Tanzania, although parliamentary elections occurred only on the mainland and not on Zanzibar.[209] Although the one-party state meant that only TANU candidates could stand, the party's national executive selected multiple candidates for all but six seats, providing some democratic choice for voters.[210] Two ministers, six junior ministers, and nine backbenchers lost their seats and were replaced.[211] Both Derek Bryceson and Amur Jamal, the two non-indigenous cabinet members, were re-elected over black opponents.[212] Nyerere stood unopposed in the presidential election, although the ballot allowed space to vote against his candidacy; ultimately he secured nearly 97% support.[213] Tanzania experienced rapid population growth; the December 1967 census revealed a 35% population increase since 1957.[214] This rising number of children made the government's desire for universal primary education more difficult to achieve.[214] Observing that a small sector of the population were able to attain a high level of education, he grew concerned that they would form an elitist group apart from the rest of the people.[215] In 1964 he stated that "some of our citizens still have large amounts of money spent on their education, while others have none. Those who receive that privilege therefore have a duty to repay the sacrifice which others have made."[216] In 1965, it was made mandatory for all secondary school graduates to perform two years of service in the JKT.[217] In October 1966, around 400 university students marched to State House to protest this. Nyerere spoke to the crowd in defence of the measure, and agreed to reduce government salaries, including his own.[218] That year, Nyerere ceased using State House as his permanent residence, moving into a newly built private home on the seafront at Msasani.[219] Foreign affairs Nyerere on a visit to the Netherlands in 1965 Although Western powers urged Nyerere not to accept support from China, then governed by Mao Zedong, in August 1964 Nyerere allowed seven Chinese instructors and four interpreters to work with his army for six months.[220] Responding to Western disapproval, he noted that most of Tanzania's military officers were British trained and that he had recently signed an agreement with West Germany to train an air wing.[221] Over the following years, China became the main beneficiary of Tanzania's foreign relations.[221] In February 1965, Nyerere made an eight-day state visit to China, opining that their socio-economic projects in moving an agrarian country towards socialism had much relevance for Tanzania.[222] Nyerere was fascinated by Mao's China because it espoused the egalitarian values he shared;[223] he was also inspired by the government's emphasis on frugality and economy.[224] In June, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai visited Dar es Salaam.[221] China provided Tanzania with millions of pounds in loans and grants, and invested in a range of projects including a textile mill near Dar es Salaam, a farm implement factory, an experimental farm, and a radio transmitter.[225] Seeking financial support to build a railway that would connect Zambia to the coast and through Tanzania, he secured Chinese backing in 1970 after Western countries refused to finance the operation.[226] In the early 1960s, Nyerere had private telephone lines installed linking him to Kenyatta and Obote, although these were later eliminated in a cost-saving exercise.[227] Although the East African Federation that Nyerere desired failed to develop, he still pursued greater integration between Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya, in 1967 co-founding the East African Community, a common market and administrative union, which was headquartered in Arusha.[228] Nyerere wrote an introduction for Not Yet Uhuru, the 1967 autobiography of Kenyan leftist politician Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.[229] Nyerere's Tanzania welcomed various liberation groups from southern Africa, such as FRELIMO, to set up operations in the country to work towards overthrowing the colonial and white-minority governments of these countries.[230] Nyerere's government had warm relations with the neighbouring Zambian government of Kenneth Kaunda.[231] Conversely, it had poor relations with another neighbour, Malawi, whose leader Hastings Banda accused the Tanzanians of supporting government ministers who he claimed opposed him.[232] Nyerere strongly disapproved of Banda's co-operation with the Portuguese colonial governments in Angola and Mozambique and the white minority governments of Rhodesia and South Africa.[166] In 1967, Nyerere's government was the first to grant recognition of the newly declared Republic of Biafra, which had seceded from Nigeria. Though three other African states followed, it put Nyerere at odds with most other African nationalists.[233] Nyerere pictured in 1965 At independence, Tanganyika had joined the British Commonwealth.[234] In September 1965, Nyerere threatened to withdraw from the Commonwealth if Britain's government negotiated for the independence of Rhodesia with Ian Smith's white minority government rather than with representatives of the country's black majority. When Smith's government unilaterally declared independence in November, Nyerere demanded the British take immediate action to stop them. When the UK did not, in December Tanzania broke off diplomatic relations with them.[235] This resulted in the loss of British aid, but Nyerere thought it necessary to demonstrate that Africans would stand by their word.[236] He stressed that British Tanzanians remained welcome in the country and that violence towards them would not be tolerated.[236] Despite the cessation of diplomatic contact, Tanzania cooperated with the UK in airlifting emergency oil supplies to landlocked Zambia, whose normal oil supply had been cut off by Smith's Rhodesian government.[237] In 1970, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia all threatened to leave the Commonwealth after British Prime Minister Edward Heath appeared to resume arms sales to South Africa.[238] Relations were also strained with the United States. In November 1964, Kambona publicly announced the discovery of evidence of a U.S.-Portuguese plot to invade Tanzania. The evidence—which consisted of three photostat documents—was labelled a forgery by the U.S. Embassy and after Nyerere returned from a week at Lake Manyara he acknowledged that this was a possibility.[239] After the U.S. launched Operation Dragon Rouge to retrieve white hostages held by rebels in Stanleyville, Congo, Nyerere condemned them, expressing anger that they would go to such efforts to save 1000 white lives while doing nothing to prevent the subjugation of millions of black people in southern Africa.[240] He believed that the operation was designed to bolster the Congolese government of Moise Tshombe, which Nyerere—like many African nationalists—despised.[241] Explaining this antipathy to Tshombe, he said: "try to imagine a Jew who recruits ex-Nazis to go to Israel and assist him in his power struggle. How would the Jews take it?"[242] Relations with the U.S. reached their worst point in January 1965, when Nyerere expelled two members of the U.S. embassy for subversive activities; evidence was not publicly produced to demonstrate their guilt. The U.S. responded by expelling a councillor from the Tanzanian embassy in Washington D.C.; in turn, Tanzania recalled its ambassador, Othman Shariff.[243] After 1965, Tanzanian-U.S. relations gradually improved.[244] The Arusha Declaration: 1967–1970 The Arusha Declaration Monument, later erected to memorialise Nyerere's declaration. In January 1967, Nyerere attended a TANU National Executive meeting at Arusha. There, he presented its Committee with a new statement of party principles: the Arusha Declaration.[245] This declaration affirmed the government's commitment to building a democratic socialist state and stressed the development of an ethos of self-reliance.[246] In Nyerere's view, true independence was not possible while the country remained dependent on gifts and loans from other nations.[247] It stipulated that renewed emphasis should be placed on developing the peasant agricultural economy to ensure greater self-sufficiency, even if this meant slower economic growth.[248] After this point, the concept of socialism became central to the government's policy formation.[249] To promote the Arusha Declaration, groups of TANU supporters marched through the countryside to raise awareness; in October, Nyerere accompanied one such eight-day march which covered 138 miles in his native Mara district.[250] The day after the declaration, the government announced the nationalisation of all Tanzanian banks, with compensation provided to their owners.[251] Over the following days, it announced plans to nationalise various insurance companies, import-export firms, mills, and sisal estates, as well as the purchase of majority interest in seven other firms, including those producing cement, cigarettes, beer, and shoes.[248] Some foreign specialists were employed to run these nationalised industries until sufficient numbers of Tanzanians had been trained to take over;[252] the country's civil service nevertheless had little experience with economic planning,[253] and eventually foreign companies had to be brought in to administer several nationalised industries.[254] A year after these initial nationalisations, Nyerere praised the Tanzanian Asians for their role in ensuring the successful running of the nationalised banks, stating: "these people deserve the gratitude of our country".[252] Nyerere followed his declaration with a series of additional policy papers covering such areas as foreign policy and rural development.[255] "Education for Self-Reliance" stressed that schools should place a new emphasis on teaching agricultural skills.[256] Another, "Socialism and Rural Development", outlined a three step process for creating ujamaa co-operative villages. The first step was to convince farmers to move into a single village, with their crops planted nearby. The second was to establish communal plots where these farmers would experiment working collectively. The third was to establish a communal farm.[256] Nyerere had been inspired by the example of the Rumuva Development Association (RDA), an agricultural commune formed in 1962, and believed its example could be followed throughout Tanzania.[257] By the end of 1970, there were reportedly a thousand villages in Tanzania referring to themselves as ujamaa.[256] The peasants brought into these new villages often lacked the self-reliant enthusiasm of the RDA members;[258] despite Nyerere's hopes, villagization rarely improved agricultural production.[259] The Arusha Declaration was a turning point in Tanzanian history and a widely influential speech in Africa. The speech defined the terms of political debate in Tanzania, and was initially widely popular in the country. But there were also voices of dissent. — Historian Paul Bjerk[260] The Arusha Declaration announced the introduction of a code of conduct for TANU and government leaders to adhere to. This forbade them from owning shares or holding directorates in private companies, receiving more than one salary, or owning any houses that they rented to others.[261] Nyerere saw this as necessary to stem the growth of corruption in Tanzania; he was aware of how this problem had become endemic in some African countries like Nigeria and Ghana and regarded it as a threat to his vision of African freedom.[262] To ensure his own compliance with these measures, Nyerere sold his house in Magomeni and his wife donated her poultry farm in Mji Mwema to the local co-operative village.[262] In 1969, Nyerere sponsored a bill to provide gratuities for ministers and regional and area commissioners which could be used as a retirement income for them. The Tanzanian Parliament did not pass the bill into law, the first time that it had rejected legislation backed by Nyerere. The majority of parliamentarians argued that its granting of additional funds to said officials broke the spirit of the Arusha Declaration.[263] Nyerere decided not to push the issue, conceding that parliament had valid concerns.[264] Although the Arusha Declaration was domestically popular, some politicians spoke against it.[260] In October 1969 a group of army officers and former politicians, including former head of the National Women's Organisation Bibi Titi Mohammad and former Labour Minister Michael Kamaliza, were arrested, accused of plotting to kill Nyerere and overthrow the government, convicted, and imprisoned.[265] In 1969, Nyerere made a state visit to Canada.[244] In 1969, Nyerere informed a journalist that he was contemplating retirement from the presidency, hoping to encourage new leadership, although at the same time had a desire to remain in place to oversee the implementation of his ideas.[266] In the 1970 election, Nyerere again stood unopposed, securing 97% support for him to serve another five-year term.[233] Again, parliamentary elections took place on the mainland but not in Zanzibar.[233] Economic crises and war with Uganda: 1971–1979 Nyerere on a visit to the Netherlands in 1985 In the early 1970s, Nyerere's government accelerated the "villagization" process.[267] They hoped that doing so would improve agricultural productivity, allowing the country to export more and thus funding the development of light industry so that Tanzania would be able to produce more consumer goods and rely less on imports.[259] Increasingly, farmers who refused to join the communal villages were regarded as opponents of TANU.[268] Police began to round up farmers and forced them to move into the villages.[269] 13 million people were eventually registered to 7000 villages.[269] As a result, rural production was severely disrupted.[269] According to a 1978 government survey, none of the villages had achieved the official targets for agricultural productivity.[269] Many villages were left reliant on famine relief.[269] In contrast to the government's intentions, food imports rose dramatically and inflation accelerated.[269] Overall import levels tripled during the 1970s, while exports only doubled.[270] The entire process also damaged Nyerere's reputation with the rural population.[271] The villagization process had greater success in ensuring wider public access to social services.[272] Nyerere's government pursued the rapid expansion of healthcare. During the 1970s, the number of health centers more than doubled, reaching 239, while the number of rural dispensaries nearby doubled, reaching 2,600.[272] Education was also expanded, and by 1978 80% of Tanzania's children were in school.[273] By 1980, Tanzania was one of the few African countries that had almost totally eliminated illiteracy.[273] Throughout the 1970s, bribery and embezzlement also became increasingly common in Tanzania; a parliamentary enquiry found that government losses from theft and corruption rose from 10 million shillings in 1975 to nearly 70 million shillings in 1977.[270] Nyerere with Onno Ruding, Dutch Minister of Finance, 1985 In early 1971, the National Assembly passed a measure authorising the nationalisation of all commercial buildings, apartments, and houses worth more than 100,000 Tanzanian shillings unless the owner resided in them. This measure was designed to stop the real estate profiteering that had grown across much of post-independence Africa.[274] The measure further depleted the wealth of the Tanzanian Asian community, which had invested much in property accumulation; in ensuing months, nearly 15,000 Asians left the country.[275] Various media outlets began complaining increasingly of "kulaks" and "parasites", fuelling racial tensions around Asian shopkeepers.[276] Many Roman Catholics were angered when the government nationalised Catholic schools and made them non-denominational.[253] Nyerere's government established a Ministry of National Culture and Youth through which to encourage the growth of a distinctly Tanzanian culture.[277] Through organisations it established, such as Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam and the Baraza la Muzikila Taifa music council, the government exerted considerable control over the development of popular culture in the country.[278] Juxtaposing idealised rural lifestyles against urban lifestyles which were labelled "decadent", Nyerere's government launched its Operation Vijana in October 1968. This targeted forms of culture considered "decadent", including soul music, beauty contests, and films and magazines considered to be of an inappropriate nature.[279] In 1973, the government banned most foreign music from being played on national radio programmes.[278] Nyerere believed that homosexuality was alien to Africa and thus Tanzania did not need to legislate against the discrimination of homosexuals.[280] Freedom of speech was such that government policy was criticised within TANU, in parliament, and in the press.[281] However, those regarded as political subversives were still detained without trial, often in poor conditions.[282] Nyerere rarely initiated such detentions personally, although had the final say on all such arrests.[283] Amnesty International estimated that in 1977, there were a thousand people detained under the Preventative Detention Act, although this had declined to under 100 by 1981.[284] In June 1976, Kambona resigned from the government, ostensibly for health reasons, and relocated to London. He then claimed to have been the victim of a plot to overthrow Nyerere orchestrated by a group opposed to the Arusha Declaration. Nyerere was angered by these statements and asked Kambona to return.[285] It was revealed that Kambona had taken at least $100,000 of public funds with him to Britain; in absentia he was charged with treason.[286] By 1977, Kambona had turned against Nyerere, accusing the latter of being a dictator.[287] Over the following years, various MPs were expelled for corruption and other crimes—they claimed, however, that they were being expelled for dissenting from Nyerere's positions.[288] Nyerere with US President Jimmy Carter and First Lady Rosalynn Carter at the White House, 1977 By the mid-1970s, there was much speculation that Nyerere would resign.[276] TANU again nominated him for the presidency in 1975, but in his speech he warned against repeatedly electing the same person. He spoke of the Zanaki concept of kung'atuka, which meant the leaders passing on control to a younger generation.[289] He also proposed that having TANU govern the mainland and ASP govern Zanzibar contravened the concept of a one-party state and called for their merger. This took place in 1977, when they formed Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM; "Party of the Revolution").[289] The new constitution ensured the de jure nature of the Tanzanian one-party state.[289] Nyerere began promoting Jumbe as his potential successor.[290] In 1972, Karume was assassinated; his removal from power in Zanzibar was a relief for Nyerere.[281] Karume was succeeded by Aboud Jumbe, who had a better relationship with Nyerere.[281] In early 1978, ministers decided to increase their strategies. Students accusing them of abandoning socialist principles and launched protests. After these clashed with police, CCM officials ordered the university to expel 350 protesters, including one of Nyerere's sons.[283] In the late 1970s, several members of the military began organising a coup although this was exposed before it could occur and the suspects were imprisoned.[291] In 1977, Nyerere made his second state visit to the U.S., where President Jimmy Carter hailed him as "a senior statesman whose integrity is unquestioned".[292] In Atlanta, Nyerere met with African-American civil rights activist Coretta Scott King and accompanied her to the grave of her husband, Martin Luther King Jr.[293] Nyerere remained committed to backing anti-colonialist groups throughout southern Africa, including those fighting the white minority governments in Southern Rhodesia and South Africa and the Portuguese colonial administrations in Mozambique and Angola.[294] In 1980 an election took place in Zimbabwe, resulting in the transition from the white minority government to Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF administration; Tanzania had been supporting ZANU for many years, and Bjerk termed this "a great foreign policy victory for Nyerere".[295] Conflicts with Uganda Further information: 1972 invasion of Uganda and Uganda–Tanzania War In January 1971, President Obote of Uganda was overthrown by a military coup led by Idi Amin. Nyerere refused to recognise the legitimacy of Amin's administration and offered Obote refuge in Tanzania.[296] Shortly after the coup, Nyerere announced the formation of a "people's militia", a type of home guard to improve Tanzania's national security.[297] He also allowed exiled Ugandans to set up rebel bases in Tanzania.[298] In 1971, Uganda bombed the Kagera Saw Mill in Tanzania in response to Nyerere's support for Obote.[299] When Amin expelled all 50,000 Ugandan Asians from his country in 1972, Nyerere denounced the act as racist.[300] One boatload of Ugandan Asian refugees attempted to land in Tanzania, although Nyerere's government refused to permit them, concerned that it would stoke domestic racial tensions.[301] Having been informed of an alleged plot by Amin to overthrow him, Nyerere decided to allow Obote's followers to launch an operation to overthrow the Ugandan government.[298] In September 1972, Obote loyalists invaded Uganda from Tanzania, but were routed by Amin's security forces.[298][302] Ugandan forces retaliated by bombing the Tanzanian border towns of Bukoba and Mwanza.[299] Nyerere rejected his generals' urges to respond with force and agreed to Somali mediation, which resulted in the signing of a peace agreement between Uganda and Tanzania. Nevertheless, relations between Nyerere and Amin remained tense.[303] The Tanzanian President allowed Ugandan rebels to continue to operate in Tanzania, though he urged them to keep a low profile.[304] In 1977, the East African Community that Tanzania had formed with Kenya and Uganda formally collapsed.[169] During the Uganda-Tanzania War, Nyerere's troops ousted Idi Amin (pictured) from power in Uganda In October 1978, Uganda invaded Tanzania, annexing the Kagera Salient.[305] Nyerere decided that Tanzania's response should be not only to push the Uganda Army back into Uganda, but to invade the latter and overthrow Amin.[306] To achieve this, he mobilized tens of thousands of civilian-soldiers to aid the regular army.[306] In January 1979, three Tanzanian battalions pushed into Uganda and leveled Mutukula, slaughtering many of the civilians living there. Nyerere was appalled and ordered measures to ensure the Tanzanians would not attack civilian targets in future.[307] Nyerere also lobbied foreign ambassadors to cut off supplies of oil and weapons to Uganda.[308] Over following months, the Tanzanian army pushed further into Uganda.[309] After they took control of Kampala, Amin and many of his followers fled into exile.[310] During the war, Nyerere had been planning for how to establish a post-Amin government in Uganda. Although Obote retained a level of popularity in Uganda, many other exiles warned him not to restore Obote to the presidency, noting that he had alienated too many sectors of society.[311] Nyerere accepted this advice, and when organising a March 1979 conference for exile groups in Moshi convinced Obote not to attend. The conference decided that it would back Yusuf Lule as an interim replacement.[312] After Amin's ouster, Lule was declared president, but was soon removed from office and replaced by Godfrey Binaisa. Binaisa too was only in power for a brief time, and the 1980 general election resulted in Obote once again becoming leader.[313] Nyerere withdrew most of the Tanzanian army, leaving only a small training contingent, although Uganda entered a cycle of civil wars until 1986.[314] The war cost Tanzania approximately US$500 million, further damaging its fragile economy.[314] There were widespread shortages of consumer goods that encouraged a growth of hoarding and smuggling, while many returning soldiers resorted to criminality.[315] Tanzania's Finance Minister Edwin Mtei entered negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and in early 1979 came to an agreement that the country would receive debt relief in exchange for a program of austerity measures including parastatal restricting, wage freezes, raising interest rates, and relaxing import controls.[316] When Mtei brought the deal to Nyerere, the latter rejected it, seeing it as a rejection of his socialist message. Mtei then resigned.[317] Nyerere viewed the IMF as a neocolonial tool which imposed policies on poorer countries that benefitted their wealthier counterparts.[318] Final term in office: 1980–1985 In the 1980 Tanzanian general election, Nyerere again stood as CCM's candidate for the presidency.[291] He took an active role in trying to find a successor.[319] One of his favourites was the Zanzibari Seif Sharif Hamad, whom Nyerere brought into the CCM's Central Committee.[319] His relationship with Jumbe became strained, and he encouraged the latter to resign.[320] By 1985, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, a Zanzibari Muslim, had arisen as the most prominent candidate as Nyerere's successor, and Nyerere ultimately agreed to support his candidature. Nyerere stood down as President, with Mwinyi replacing him at the 1985 general election.[321] In doing so, Nyerere—according to A. B. Assensoh—was "one of the few African leaders to have voluntarily, gracefully, and honourably bowed out" of governance.[322] This brought him much respect internationally.[323] Nyerere remained chair of CCM until 1990 and from this position became a vocal critic of Mwinyi's policies.[324] Mwinyi wanted to pursue economic liberalisation, removing some of Nyerere's favourites from the cabinets who opposed his reforms.[324] These reforms led to inflation and devaluation of currency, destroying the savings of many Tanzanians.[324] Nyerere saw these reforms as an abandonment of his socialist ideals.[323] Post-presidential activity Nyerere's portrait on the Tanzanian 1000 shilling note In July 1987, Nyerere returned to the University of Edinburgh to attend a conference on "The Making of Constitutions and the Development of National Identity", where he gave the opening address on post-independence Africa.[325] He was invited to chair an international committee on the economic problems facing the "Global South", where he worked alongside the future Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.[323] In August 1990 Nyerere stepped down as the chair of CCM.[326] Before stepping down as CCM chair, he advocated Tanzania's transition into a multi-party democracy. He believed that the CCM had become too hidebound and corrupt and that competition with other parties would force it to improve.[327] His belief in reform was influenced by his observation of what had occurred in other socialist states: the Eastern Bloc had collapsed, Mikhail Gorbachev had pursued perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union, and Deng Xiaoping had overseen economic reform in China.[327] Nyerere stated: "we cannot remain an island. We must manage our own change – don't wait to be pushed".[328] Mwinyi then established the Nyalali Commission to examine the question of a transition to a multi-party system. It concluded that although most Tanzanians wanted to retain the one-party system, Tanzania would benefit from competing parties.[328] Rival parties like Chadema, the Civic United Front, and NCCR–Mageuzi appeared, although CCM remained dominant.[329] Freedom of speech was also expanded with a range of new newspapers appearing.[330] The Nyalali Commission had also recommended a transition to a "three-government" federation, with independent state governments for both Zanzibar and the mainland in addition to the unified federal government. This was designed to placate calls for Zanzibari autonomy, although Nyerere opposed it. He argued that there was no evidence it would improve government and that it would waste tax-payer's money.[331] In 1992, the Zanzibari government joined the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, something Nyerere criticised, arguing that foreign affairs was a federal issue and should not be delegated to the Zanzibari state.[332] In 1993, 55 mainland parliamentarians called for the establishment of a mainland regional government, which Nyerere attacked in a pamphlet the following year.[332] In 1995, he gave the nyufa speech in which he warned of "cracks" in the Tanzanian state caused by corruption, separatism, and tribalism. He expressed concerns about growing mainland chauvinism as a response to Zanzibari separatism and argued that it would develop into tribal resentments and rivalries.[333] These concerns were influenced by the recent events of the Rwandan genocide, during which members of Rwanda's Hutu majority had turned on its Tutsi minority.[334] Privately, he remained involved in CCM politics and lobbied to ensure that Benjamin Mkapa succeeded Mwinyi as its leader.[335] He campaigned in support of the CCM candidates in Tanzania's 1995 presidential election.[322] Mkapa won the election, but there were charges of electoral fraud in coastal regions.[336]In a speech at the CCM general assembly, Nyerere indicated that he intended to pull out from politics altogether.[337] Final years: 1994–1999 Nyerere died in St Thomas' Hospital, London Nyerere remained active in international affairs, attending the 1994 Pan-African Congress, held in the Ugandan city of Kampala.[338] In 1997, he gave a speech marking the fortieth anniversary of Ghanaian independence in which he expressed renewed support for Pan-African ideals and warning against a "return to the tribe" across the continent.[339] He pointed to the example of growing European unity within the European Union as a model for African states to imitate.[339] In the late 1990s he also reflected on his presidency, noting that although he made mistakes, particularly in prematurely pursuing nationalisation, he stood by the principles of the Arusha Declaration.[339] After the 1995 elections, the United Nations asked Nyerere to step in as a mediator to help end the Burundian Civil War.[340] In 1996 the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation was established though which the negotiations could take place; it was modelled on the U.S. Carter Center.[341] That year, he oversaw two negotiation sessions between competing factions in Mwanza, with additional sessions in Arusha in 1998 and 1999.[340] Nyerere was adamant that a resolution for peace should arise from a regional initiative rather than one brought forth by the Western powers.[342] He insisted on a process of inclusivity, with even the smallest political groups being invited to take part in the negotiation process, and also emphasised the construction of civilian political institutions as key to a lasting peace in Burundi.[341] The negotiations would continue until Nyerere's death, at which his role was taken on by former President of South Africa Nelson Mandela.[343] In 1997, he made his final visit to Edinburgh, delivering the Lothian European Lecture and teaching seminars at the university's Centre of African Studies.[344] The government and army contributed funds to build Nyerere a house in his home village; it was finished in 1999, although he only spent two weeks there prior to his death.[345] Entrance of the Mwalimu Nyerere Museum Centre in Butiama dedicated to Nyerere By 1998, Nyerere was aware that he had terminal leukaemia but kept this from the public.[346] In September 1999 he travelled to England for medical care, being hospitalised in St Thomas' Hospital, London.[347] There, in early October he had a major stroke and was placed in intensive care. He died on 14 October 1999, with his wife and six of his children at his bedside.[348] Benjamin Mkapa, Tanzanian president at the time, announced Nyerere's death on national television, and also proclaimed a 30-day mourning period. Nyerere was honoured by Tanzanian state radio playing funeral music while video footage of him were broadcast on television.[337] A requiem mass was then held at Westminster Cathedral on 16 October.[349] His body was then flown back to Tanzania, where it was carried past crowds in Dar es Salaam and taken to his coastal home. There, another requiem mass was held at St Joseph's Cathedral.[349] A funeral was then held at the National Stadium, in which hundreds passed by the body as it lay in state.[349] Finally, the body was flown to Butiama and buried.[350] Political ideology Nyerere's ideology, a form of African socialism, is known as Ujamaa.[351] Although attaining some of his early ideas from African Association contemporaries in Tanganyika,[352] many of Nyerere's political beliefs were developed while he was studying in Edinburgh; he noted that he "evolved the whole of my political philosophy while I was there".[353] In the city, he was influenced by texts produced within the traditions of classical liberalism and Fabian socialism,[354] as well as by his reading of Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill, both of whom he had studied as a student.[355] For much of his life he was a prolific writer and speaker, leaving much material behind espousing his ideology.[356] The political economist Issa G. Shivji noted that although Nyerere was "a great man of principle" but that when in power, "at times pragmatism, even Machiavellism, overshadowed his avowed principles". As a result, Shivji argued, Nyerere exhibited "a great ability and talent to rationalise his political actions with an astute exposition of principles".[357] Anti-colonialism, non-racialism, and Pan-Africanism 10 tz shillings back. Nyerere was an African nationalist.[357] He despised colonialism,[358] and felt duty bound to oppose the colonial state in Tanganyika.[359] In campaigning against colonialism, Nyerere acknowledged that he was inspired by the principles behind both the American Revolution and the French Revolution.[360] He was also influenced by the Indian independence movement, which successfully resulted in the creation of an Indian republic in 1947, just before Nyerere studied in Britain.[361] Nyerere insisted that the situation in Tanganyika was such that non-violent protest was possible and should be pursued,[362] stating: "I'm non-violent in the sense of Mohandas Gandhi... I feel violence is an evil with which one cannot become associated unless it is absolutely necessary".[362] After becoming leader of his county, he became a prominent supporter of anti-colonial movements in southern Africa, providing said groups with material, diplomatic, and moral support.[363] Although opposing European colonialism, Nyerere was not antagonistic towards white Europeans; from his experiences he was aware that they were not all colonialists and racists.[359] Prior to independence he insisted on a non-racialist front against colonialism,[362] challenging those African nationalists who wanted to deny equal rights to East Africa's European and Asian minorities.[364] In a 1951 essay written in Edinburgh, he proposed that "We must build up a society in which we shall belong to east Africa and not to our racial groups ... We appeal to all thinking Europeans and Indians to regard themselves as ordinary citizens of Tanganyika... We are all Tanganyikans and we are all east Africans."[365] He argued that racial equality should be upheld on an individual basis, with individuals being legally protected against racial discrimination, rather than being enshrined in government with certain parliamentary seats reserved for different racial groups.[366] This involvement in multi-racial politics differed from the approaches adopted by many other African nationalists in Tanganyika.[367] When in power, Nyerere ensured that his government and close associates reflected a cross-section of East African society, including black Africans, Indians, Arabs, and Europeans, as well as practitioners of Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and African traditional religion.[368] Nyerere was also a Pan-Africanist.[357] He nevertheless saw a tension between his governance of a nation-state and his Pan-Africanist values, referring to this as "dilemma of the pan-Africanist" in a 1964 address.[369] Democracy and the one-party state Nyerere emphasised the idea of democracy as a principle.[370] He described democracy as "government by the people... Ideally, it is a form of government whereby the people – all the people – settle their affairs through free discussion."[371] This is a definition close to that generated by the clergyman Theodore Parker, whose influence he acknowledged.[372] It was also influenced by forms of localised decision making found in various indigenous African societies,[373] with Nyerere stating that discussing an issue till everyone agreed was "the very essence of traditional African democracy".[373] He absorbed the values of liberal democracy but focused attention on how to "Africanize" democracy.[374] He emphasized that post-colonial African states were in a very different situation to Western countries and thus required a different governance structure;[375] specifically, he favoured a representative democratic system within a one-party state.[372] He opposed the formation of different parties and other political organisations with differing objectives in Tanzania, deeming them disruptive to his idea of the harmonious society and fearing their ability to further destabilise the fragile state.[376] He criticised the de facto two-party system he had observed in Britain, describing it as "foot-ball politics".[377] In his words, "where there is one party, and that party is identified with the nation as a whole, the foundations of democracy are firmer than they can ever be when you have two or more parties, each representing only a section of the community!"[378] He repeatedly wrote arguments on these ideas, often aimed at Western liberals.[379] Following the 1965 parliamentary election, in which different candidates from the same party competed for most seats, Nyerere noted: "I don't blame Westerners for being sceptical. The only democracies they have known have been multi-party systems, and the only one-party systems they have seen have been non-democratic. But: a multiplicity of parties does not guarantee democracy".[380] For Nyerere, it was the preservation of political and civil liberties, rather than the presence of multiple parties, that ensured democracy;[381] he believed that freedom of speech was possible in a one-party state.[376] However, his opposition to the formation of competing political groups led critics to argue that there were anti-democratic implications to his thought.[382] Nyerere was keen to associate himself with the idea of freedom, titling his three major compilations of speeches and writings Freedom and Unity, Freedom and Socialism, and Freedom and Development.[361] His conception of freedom was strongly influenced by the ideas of German philosopher Immanuel Kant.[361] Like Kant, Nyerere believed that the purpose of the state was to promote liberty and the freedom of the individual.[383] African socialism At the heart and centre of Nyerere's political values was an affirmation of the fundamental equality of all humankind and a commitment to the building of social, economic and political institutions which would reflect and ensure this equality. — Pratt, 2000[384] Nyerere was a socialist,[385] with his views on socialism intertwined with his ideas on democracy.[386] He promoted "African socialism" from at least July 1943, when he wrote an article referring to the concept in the Tanganyika Standard newspaper.[387] Where he learned the term is not clear, for it would not become widely used until the 1960s.[387] Nyerere saw socialism not as an alien idea to Africa but as something that reflected traditional African lifestyles. In his view, a "socialist attitude of mind" was already present in traditional African society.[388] In his words from 1962, "We, in Africa, have no more need of being "converted" to socialism than we have of being "taught" democracy. Both are rooted in our past – in the traditional society which produced us."[389] He presented the traditional African village—as well as the ancient Greek city state—as the model for the idealised society.[390] Molony described Nyerere as having produced "romanticised accounts of idyllic village life in 'traditional society'", describing his as "a misty-eyed view" of this African past.[389] Nyerere's ideas about socialism owed little to either European social democracy or Marxism;[388] he detested the Marxist idea of class struggle.[391] Although he quoted from Karl Marx's Capital when speaking to certain audiences, he was critical of the idea of "scientific socialism" promoted by Marxists like Marx and Vladimir Lenin.[392] He expressed the view that Marxist ideas about the construction of a socialist society from a capitalist one through the efforts of a revolutionary urban proletariat class were not applicable to post-colonial Africa, where there was little or no capitalism or proletariat and where—in Nyerere's view—traditional society was not stratified into competing economic classes.[393] In most of Africa, Nyerere said, "we have to begin our socialism from tribal communalism and a colonial legacy which did not build much capitalism".[394] He was also critical of the "utopian socialism" promoted by figures like Henri de Saint-Simon and Robert Owen, seeing their ideas as largely irrelevant to the Tanzanian situation.[392] In his view, these European socialist writers had not produced ideas suited to the African context because they had not considered the history of "colonial domination" which Africa had experienced.[395] The only way to defeat our present poverty is to accept the fact that it exists, to live as poor people, and to spend every cent that we have surplus to our basic needs on the things which will make us richer, healthier and more educated in the future. — Julius Nyerere[223] Nyerere firmly believed in egalitarianism and in creating a society of equals,[396] referring to his desire for a "classless society".[397] In his view, the equality of ujamaa must come from the individual's commitment to a just society in which all talents and abilities were used to the full.[398] He desired a society in which the interests of the individual and society were identical and thought this could be achieved because individuals ultimately wanted to promote the common good.[386] He believed it important to balance the rights of the individual with their duty to society, expressing the view that Western countries placed too much of an emphasis on individual rights;[399] he regarded what he saw as the ensuing self-centred materialism as repulsive.[400] To determine what balance to strike between the freedom of the individual and their responsibilities to society, he turned to the ideas of Genevan philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau.[401] His ideas on societal collectivity may also have been influenced by the work of the social anthropologist Ralph Piddington, under whom Nyerere studied at Edinburgh.[402] It was Nyerere's belief that Africa would resolve the tension between the individual and society, a balance which other continents had failed to achieve.[403] Nyerere detested elitism and sought to reflect that attitude in the manner in which he conducted himself as president.[404] He was cautious to prevent the replacement of the colonial elite with an indigenous elite,[405] and to this end insisted that the most educated sectors of the Tanzanian population should remain fully integrated with society as a whole.[406] He criticised the existence of aristocracy and the British monarchy.[407] He endorsed the equality of the sexes, stating that "it is essential that our women live on terms of full equality with their fellow citizens who are men".[408] He remained dedicated to a belief in the rule of law.[80] He stressed the need for hard work.[409] Nyerere appealed to the idea of tradition when trying to convince Tanzanians of his ideas.[410] He stated that Tanzania could only be developed "through the religion of socialism and self-reliance".[411] He reiterated the ideas of freedom, equality, and unity as being central to his concept of African socialism.[412] Socialism and Christianity Socialism is concerned with man's life in this society. A man's relationship with God is a personal matter for him and him alone; his beliefs about the hereafter are his own affair. — Julius Nyerere on socialism and religion[409] Nyerere's belief in socialism was retained after his socialist reforms failed to generate economic growth.[413] He stated that "They keep saying you've failed. But what is wrong with urging people to pull together? Did Christianity fail because the world is not all Christian?"[413] Much of Nyerere's political ideology was inspired by his Christian belief,[414] although he stipulated the view that one did not have to be a Christian to be a socialist: "There is not the slightest necessity for people to study metaphysics and decide whether there is one God, many Gods, or no God, before they can be socialist... What matters in socialism and to socialists is that you should care about a particular kind of social relationship on this earth. Why you care is your own affair."[415] Elsewhere, he declared that "socialism is secular".[409] Trevor Huddleston thought that Nyerere could be considered both a Christian humanist,[398] and a Christian socialist.[416] In his speeches and writings, Nyerere frequently quoted from the Bible,[415] and in a 1970 address to the headquarters of the Maryknoll Mission, he argued that the Roman Catholic Church must involve itself in "the rebellion against those social structures and economic organizations which condemn men to poverty, humiliation and degradation", warning that if it failed to do so then it would lose relevance and "the Christian religion will degenerate into a series of superstitions accepted by the fearful".[417] Despite his personal religious commitments, he espoused freedom of religion and the right for individuals to change their religious adherence.[418] Personality and personal life Those who knew Nyerere in Edinburgh recall him as 'not the usual type', 'a very decent fellow', 'of a very independent turn of mind', 'a delightful person; a student with a clearly evident awareness of opportunity to learn; a quiet, likeable young man of integrity', and 'a quiet, unassuming person... who drew no attention to himself in the way some students do'. — Biographer Thomas Molony[419] Smith described Nyerere as "a slight, wiry man with a high forehead and a toothbrush moustache".[420] He was described as an eloquent speaker,[421] and a skilled debater,[422] with Bjerk describing him as having "a scholar's mind".[423] According to Molony, "articulated his sometimes complex ideas in a simple and logical style of speechwriting."[422] Nyerere was a modest man who was shy regarding the personality cult that followers established around him.[424] In rejecting the personality cult, he for instance rejected ideas that statues be built to him.[425] In a 1963 memorandum, he called on colleagues to help him in "stamping out the disease of pomposity" in Tanzanian society.[426] As President, he for instance he did not like to be referred to as either "Your Excellency" or "Dr Nyerere".[427] Most staff members referred to him as "Mzee", a Swahili word meaning "old man".[227] Smith noted that Nyerere had a "respect for spartan living" and an "abhorrence of luxury";[221] in his later years he always travelled by economy class.[326] Bjerk described to Nyerere as giving "meandering speeches spiced with barbed humor."[326] Assessing his early life, Molony described Nyerere as "down-to-earth, principled, and had a strong sense of fairness. He was modest and unpretentious. In contrast to a good number of his contemporaries at Tabora Boys, he was neither arrogant nor conceited."[421] In focusing heavily on his studies, some regarded him as "a touch precocious", or even as a swot or a bore; in addition, Molony noted, Nyerere could be "manipulative at times, increasingly shrewd with experience, and always tenacious".[428] Bjerk noted that Nyerere "delighted in wry irony",[100] and "wore his emotions on his sleeve. His joy, anger, and sadness often poured out into public view".[429] Huddleston recalled conversations with Nyerere as being "exciting and stimulating", with the Tanzanian leader focusing on world issues rather than talking about himself.[223] In Huddleston's view, Nyerere was "a great human being who has always treasured his human-ness (his humanity if you like) more deeply than his office".[430] For Huddleston, Nyerere displayed much humility, a trait that was "rare indeed" among politicians and statesmen.[430] Molony noted that, in Edinburgh, Nyerere was "quiet and fairly unremarkable, and therefore forgettable", "an unobtrusive and quietly competitive young man who kept his ambitions to himself."[417] Nyerere smiling in 1976 Nyerere's secretary, Joseph Namata, said that the leader "jokes about everything" and "can shout if he is angry".[227] When planners suggested infrastructure developments for his home area, Nyerere rejected the proposals, not wanting to present the appearance of giving favours to it.[12] Nyerere ensured that his parents' resting places were maintained.[431] Smith referred to Nyerere as "a scholar at heart".[103] In later life, Twining described Nyerere as "a very shrewd politician, an emotionalist... he is not greedy, not corrupt; I think he is a good man."[119] Molony suggested that there was "a very shrewd side to his character", in that he was capable of playing to his audience by portraying himself as "the betrayed righteous figure, employing melodrama and even extortion to get what he wanted".[432] The style of suit that Nyerere wore was widely imitated in Tanzania, which led to it being known as a "Tanzanian suit".[433] Many European and American observers believed it similar to a Mao suit and interpreted it as evidence for Nyerere's perceived desire for greater links with the Marxist–Leninist government in China.[433] Nyerere objected to the tendency in Western countries to view Africa through the prism of Cold War politics.[159] After the formation of Tanzania, Nyerere took to wearing a style of Zanzibaran hat called a kofia.[433] In later life, he carried a small ebony stick known as a fimbo which served as a symbol of his authority.[434] Nyerere published widely over the course of his life.[435] He wrote poetry,[411] and translated William Shakespeare's plays Julius Caesar and The Merchant of Venice into Swahili, publishing these in 1961 and 1972 respectively.[436] In later life, he—like many other Anglophone African statesmen—was known to be an avid listener of the BBC World Service broadcasts.[437] According to Smith, Nyerere had "a great fondness for British character and eccentricity".[438] Raised as a practitioner of Zanaki traditional religion, Nyerere formally converted to Roman Catholicism at the age of 20 and remained a practitioner throughout his life.[439] Christianity strongly influenced Nyerere's life and his political beliefs.[440] Nyerere described Christianity as "a revolutionary creed" but believed that its message had often been corrupted by churches.[441] He liked to attend Mass in the early mornings,[398] and while in Edinburgh enjoyed spending time sitting quietly in church.[85] There is some evidence that while in Scotland, he considered ordination as a Roman Catholic priest.[442] He avoided Christian sectarianism and was friends with Christians of other denominations.[443] Into his later life, he regularly attended mass.[326] With his wife Maria Gabriel, Nyerere had seven children.[444] When Nyerere was president, he insisted that his children go to state school and receive no special privileges.[445] Two of his children suffered from mental illness.[446] During the 1970s, Nyerere's relationship with his wife became strained and she moved to live with her sister, near to the Kenyan border, for a while.[446] He had 26 grandchildren.[447] Cause for canonization On January 2005, the Diocese of Musoma opened the cause for the canonization of, who had been a devout Catholic and a man of recognized integrity. On 13 May 2005 Pope Benedict XVI declared him a Servant of God.[448] The postulator for Julius cause was Dr. Waldery Hilgeman.[449] Reception and legacy [Nyerere had] a legacy which continues to inspire millions of people in Tanzania and elsewhere especially in other parts of Africa. But it is also a legacy that has drawn mixed reactions from many other people, depending on how they saw him as a leader and the kind of policies he pursued. — Godfrey Mwakikagile, 2006[450] Within Tanzania, Nyerere has been termed the "Father of the Nation",[451] and was also known as Mwalimu (teacher).[452] He gained recognition for the successful merger between Tanganyika and Zanzibar,[453] and for leaving Tanzania as a united and stable state.[454] Molony noted that Nyrere was "often depicted as Tanganyika's wunderkind",[455] and is "remembered as one of Africa's most respected statesmen".[421] A Tanzanian African studies scholar named Godfrey Mwakikagile stated that it was Nyerere's ideals of "equality and social justice" which "sustained Tanzania and earned it a reputation as one of the most stable and peaceful countries in Africa, and one of the most united; a rare feat on this turbulent continent."[456] For Mwakikagile, Nyerere was "one of the world's most influential leaders of the twentieth century".[413] Nyerere was remembered "in African nationalist history as an uncompromising socialist";[457] Molony stated that "Nyerere's contribution to socialism was to make it African; and, in his eyes at least, to bring 'traditional' communal societies into the modern world."[458] According to the historian W. O. Maloba, through his writing Nyerere became "one of the most respected contributors to the expanding literature on African Socialism".[459] Smith noted that through his regular tours of Tanzania, Nyerere "has probably spoken directly to as large a percentage of his countrymen as any head of state on earth".[214] In Pratt's view, Nyerere had been "a leader of unquestionable integrity who whatever his policy errors, was profoundly committed" to the welfare of his people.[384] Bjerk characterised him as being "neither saint nor tyrant, Nyerere was a politician who kept his integrity and vision in a harsh and changing world."[460] Bjerk added that Nyerere was "a brilliant intellectual, but some of his policies seem disastrously misguided to us today [2017]."[351] Bjerk noted that "Nyerere stabilized his government and kept the country at peace", something not achieved by most of Tanzania's neighbours.[461] Richard Turnbull, the last British Governor of Tanganyika, described Nyerere as having "a tremendous adherence to principle" and exhibiting "rather a Gandhian streak".[462] The scholar of education J. Roger Carter noted that Nyerere's peaceful withdrawal from the leadership "suggests a leader of unusual quality and a national spirit, largely of his own creation, of some maturity".[463] The Russian historian Nikolai Kosukhin described Nyerere as a leader of a "charismatic type, symbolizing the ideals and expectations of the people", in this manner comparing him to Gandhi, Nkrumah, Sun Yat Sen, and Senghor.[464] For Kosukhin, Nyerere was "a recognized standard bearer of the struggle for African liberation and a tireless champion of the idea of equitable economic relations between the rich North and the developing South".[454] In this way, Kosukhin thought, Nyerere "belongs not only to Tanzania and Africa, but also to all mankind".[465] In Mwakikagile's view, Nyerere "epitomized the best" among "the founding fathers" of independence African states, citing him alongside such "Big Men" as Kenyatta, Nkrumah, Sekou Toure, Patrice Lumumba, and Modibo Keita.[466] A statue stands in the centre of Nyerere Square in Dodoma, Tanzania Bureaucrats from TANU subsequently established a cult of personality around Nyerere.[467] By the time he died, he was increasingly viewed as a symbol of the nation.[326] A museum and mausoleum devoted to him were built in Butiama.[447]Posthumously, the Catholic Church in Tanzania began the processing of beatifying Nyerere, hoping to have him recognised as a saint.[467] A delegation from the Vatican arrived in Tanzania to investigate these calls in January 2005.[460] Although his ujamaa ideals were largely abandoned by the governments that succeeded him, the historian Sidney J. Lemelle argued that these values could be identified in the later Tanzanian hip hop and rap scene.[468] At his death, Western commentators repeatedly claimed that Nyerere had served his people poorly as president.[469] Many Western governments and economists used Nyerere's Tanzania as an example of why, to ensure economic growth, post-colonial African states should embrace limited state regulation and a market economy linked in with the international capitalist economy.[470] Bjerk noted that although Nyerere was "an advocate for democracy", his pursuit of a democracy adapted to East African society led to him forming "a one-party state that regularly violated democratic values".[460] He thought that "few would deny" that Nyerere "became a dictator", although noted that "he maintained his authority without mass violence", unlike many other dictatorial leaders in Africa.[281] In 2007, the politician Ismail Jussa said of Nyerere: "He wanted to preserve power. Maybe he did not kill people as other dictators, but by suppressing dissent he was not different to any other dictator."[471] Shivji disagreed, stating that "to be sure, Nyerere was not a dictator",[271] although described the policies which Nyerere enacted as being authoritarian.[369] It is said that Nyerere was great master of a Masonic lodge.[472] Besides, his support to Frelimo when the latter processed and imprisoned Mozambican politicians who were in opposition to it (and who were later killed), arises criticism in Mozambique today.[473] After his death, Nyerere received far less attention than other, contemporary African leaders like Kenyatta, Nkrumah, and Mandela.[467] Much of the literature published about him has been un-critical and hagiographic,[474] ignoring elements of his life that might not be considered flattering.[421] Also often omitted from accounts of his life are the more ruthless elements of his rule, especially the imprisonment of some political dissenters.[422] In 2009, his life was portrayed in a South African production by Imruh Bakari for M-Net titled The Legacy of Julius Kambarage Nyerere.[475] The University of Edinburgh, Nyerere's alma mater, also honours him in various ways. Ten years after his death, it put up a plaque in his name on the external wall of its School of Social and Political Science, and provides three Julius Nyerere Masters Scholarships each year.[476] See also List of presidents of Tanganyika List of Prime Ministers of Tanzania References Notes  Nyerere was not aware of his date of birth for much of his life; he claimed that he was born in February 1921 for at least his first twenty-five years. He discovered his actual date of birth in the late 1960s, when it was revealed that a local elder, Mtokambali Bukiri, had made a note of it in his medical records for the community.[3] Thomas Joseph Odhiambo Mboya (15 August 1930 – 5 July 1969) was a Kenyan trade unionist, educator, Pan-Africanist, author, independence activist, and statesman. He was one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Kenya.[1] He led the negotiations for independence at the Lancaster House Conferences[2] and was instrumental in the formation of Kenya's independence party – the Kenya African National Union (KANU) – where he served as its first Secretary-General.[3] He laid the foundation for Kenya's capitalist and mixed economy policies at the height of the Cold War and set up several of the country's key labour institutions.[1] Mboya's intelligence, charm, leadership, and oratory skills won him admiration from all over the world.[1] He gave speeches, participated in debates and interviews across the world in favour of Kenya's independence from British colonial rule. He also spoke at several rallies in the goodwill of the civil rights movement in the United States.[4] In 1958, at the age of 28, Mboya was elected Conference Chairman at the All-African Peoples' Conference convened by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana.[5] He helped build to the Trade Union Movement in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, as well as across Africa. He also served as the Africa Representative to the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). In 1959, Mboya called a conference in Lagos, Nigeria, to form the first All-Africa ICFTU labour organization.[6] Mboya worked with both John F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. to create educational opportunities for African students, an effort that resulted in the Kennedy Airlifts of the 1960s enabling East African students to study at American colleges. Notable beneficiaries of this airlift include Wangari Maathai and Barack Obama Sr. In 1960, Mboya was the first Kenyan to be featured on the front page cover of Time magazine in a painting by Bernard Safran.[7] Contents 1 Early life 2 Education 3 Political life 4 Kenya gains independence 5 Assassination 6 Personal life 7 References 8 External links Early life A monument in honor of Tom Mboya erected at Moi Avenue, Nairobi His parents were Leonardus Ndiege from the Suba ethnic group of Kenya from Rusinga Island and Marcella Awour from the Luo ethnic group of Kenya, both of whom were low-income sisal cutters working on the colonial farm of Sir William Northrup McMillan, at today's Juja Farm Area.Thomas ("Tom") Joseph Odhiambo Mboya was born at this colonial sisal farm on 15 August 1930, near the town of Thika, in what was called the White Highlands of Kenya. [8][5] Mboya's father Leonard Ndiege was later promoted as an overseer at this sisal plantation and worked for 25 years. Eventually Leonard and Marcella had seven children, five sons and two daughters. When Mboya was 9 years, his father sent him to a mission school in Kamba region.[9] Education Mboya was educated at various Catholic mission schools. In 1942, he joined St. Mary's School Yala – a Catholic secondary school in Yala, located in Nyanza province where Mboya began his education in English and History. In 1946, he attended the Holy Ghost College (later Mang'u High School), where he passed well enough to proceed to do his Cambridge School Certificate. In 1948, Mboya joined the Royal Sanitary Institute's Medical Training School for Sanitary Inspectors at Nairobi, qualifying as an inspector in 1950. He also enrolled in a certificate course in economics at Efficiency Correspondence College of South Africa. In 1955, he received a scholarship from Britain's Trades Union Congress to attend Ruskin College, University of Oxford, where he studied industrial management. [5] After his graduation in 1956, he returned to Kenya and joined politics at a time when the British government was gaining control over the Kenya Land Freedom Army Mau Mau uprising. Political life Mboya's political life started immediately after he was employed at Nairobi City Council as a sanitary inspector in 1950. During his stint at Nairobi City Council, Mboya was elected as African Staff Association's president and immediately embarked on moulding the association into a trade union named the Kenya Local Government Workers' Union.[1] This made his employer suspicious, but he resigned from his position before he could be laid off. He was, however, able to continue working for the Kenya Labour Workers Union as secretary-general before embarking on his studies in Britain. In 1953, during the Mau Mau War for Independence, Jomo Kenyatta and other leaders of the independence party, Kenya African Union (KAU), were arrested. They asked Mboya to lead the KAU and continue the struggle. However, the government banned the KAU. Mboya then turned to use the trade unions as a platform to fight for independence. He was elected as Secretary General of the Kenya Federation of Labour (KFL), the umbrella body for trade unions in Kenya. In that role, Mboya gave speeches in London and Washington against British atrocities in Kenya. He also organized several strikes seeking better working conditions for African workers. At that point, the colonial government nearly closed down the labour movement in the effort to suppress his activities.[1] Mboya reached out to other labour leaders across the world, more so in the ICFTU, including American A. Philip Randolph, with whom he was close. Mboya raised funds to build a headquarters for the KFL. In 1956, after Mboya had returned from the United Kingdom, the colonial government allowed black Africans to run for office and serve in the Legislative Assembly. Tom Mboya was elected from Nairobi.[10] He was elected secretary of the African Caucus (called African Elected Members Organization – AEMO) and continued a campaign for independence, as well as seeking freedom for Jomo Kenyatta and other political prisoners.[1] He used his incredible diplomacy skills to get support for the independence movement from foreign countries. In 1957, he became dissatisfied with the low number of African leaders (only eight out of fifty at the time) in the Legislative council and decided to form his party, the Nairobi People's Convention Party. At that time, Mboya developed a close relationship with Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana who, like Mboya, was a Pan-Africanist. In 1958, during the All-African Peoples' Conference in Ghana, convened by Kwame Nkrumah, Mboya was elected as the Conference Chairman at the age of 28. In 1959, Mboya along with the African-American Students Foundation in the United States organized the Airlift Africa project, through which 81 Kenyan students were flown to the U.S. to study at U.S. universities. Barack Obama's father, Barack Obama, Sr., was a friend of Mboya's and a fellow Luo who received a scholarship through the AASF and occasional grants for books and expenses. Barack Obama, Sr. was not on the first airlift plane in 1959, because he was headed for Hawaii, not the continental US. In 1960, the Kennedy Foundation agreed to underwrite the airlift, after Mboya visited Senator Jack Kennedy to ask for assistance, and Airlift Africa was extended to Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar (now Tanzania), Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), and Nyasaland (now Malawi). Some 230 African students received scholarships to study at Class I accredited colleges in the United States in 1960, and hundreds more in 1961–63.[11] In 1961, Jomo Kenyatta was released and, together with Oginga Odinga and Mboya's Nairobi People's Convention Party, joined with Kenya African Union and Kenya Independence Movement and formed the Kenya African National Union (KANU) in an attempt to form a party that would both transcend tribal politics and prepare for participation in the Lancaster House Conference (held at Lancaster House in London) where Kenya's constitutional framework and independence were to be negotiated. As Secretary General of KANU, Mboya headed the Kenyan delegation. Mboya also designed the flag for the new republic.[1] Kenya gains independence In the Independent Republic of Kenya, Mboya, who was a pre-independence Minister of Labour since 1962, was appointed by the New Prime Minister, Jomo Kenyatta, as the MP for Nairobi Central Constituency (today, Kamukunji Constituency)[12] and became Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs[13]—a post he held from 1 June 1963, until December 1964. He created the National Social Security Fund, Kenya's social security scheme. He also established an Industrial Court to hear labour-management cases.[1] When Kenya became a republic on 12 December 1964, the new President Kenyatta appointed Tom Mboya to the Economic Planning and Development Ministry and transferred all functions of his former Justice ministry to the office of Attorney General under Charles Mugane Njonjo. Together with his deputy then Mwai Kibaki, he issued Sessional Paper 10, which defined Kenya's form of economic policies, when it was debated and passed by parliament in 1965. Mboya presented the Sessional Paper No. 10 for debate in parliament in April 1965 covering the period of 1964 – 1970 under the title African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya. Kenyatta and Mboya were known advocates of a non-aligned international policy, not wanting blanket application of capitalism while completely abhorring scientific socialism. In 1966,Tom Mboya was removed from the economic planning ministry and Kibaki was appointed for the first time as full Minister for Commerce and Industry. Mboya's development plans at the Economic Planning Ministry were credited for Kenya's development rate of 7%, which was sustained during his tenure as the Planning Minister.[1] Assassination He retained the portfolio as Minister for Economic Planning and Development until his death at the age of 38 when he was gunned down on 5 July 1969 on Government Road (now Moi Avenue), Nairobi CBD, after visiting Chaani's Pharmacy.[14] Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge was convicted for the murder and later hanged. After his arrest, Njoroge asked: "Why don't you go after the big man?"[15] Due to such statements, suspicions arose that Mboya's shooting was a political assassination. Outrage over his assassination led to riots in the major cities of Kenya. President Jomo Kenyatta gave a eulogy at Mboya's requiem mass, saying of his colleague, "Kenya's independence would have been seriously compromised were it not for the courage and steadfastness of Tom Mboya."[1] A statue of Mboya was installed on Moi Avenue, where he was killed, and the nearby busy Victoria Street was renamed Tom Mboya Street in his honour. Mboya left a wife and five children. He is buried in a mausoleum on Rusinga Island, which was built in 1970.[16] Mboya's role in Kenya's politics and transformation is the subject of increasing interest, especially with the prominence of American politician Barack Obama. Obama's father, Barack Obama, Sr., was a US-educated Kenyan who benefited from Mboya's scholarship program in the 1960s, going on to get married during his stay there, siring the future Illinois Senator and President. Obama Sr. had seen Mboya shortly before the assassination and testified at the ensuing trial. Obama Sr. believed he was later targeted in a hit-and-run incident as a result of this testimony.[17] Personal life Tom Mboya married Pamela Odede on Saturday, January 20, 1962 at the St. Peter Claver’s Catholic Church on Racecourse Road Nairobi. Pamela, a graduate of the University of Makerere, was the daughter of politician Walter Odede. They had five children. Their daughters are Maureen Odero, a high court judge in Mombasa and Susan Mboya, a Coca-Cola executive, who continues the education airlift program initiated by Tom Mboya, and is married to former Nairobi governor Evans Kidero. Their sons included Lucas Mboya, and twin brothers Peter (died in a 2004 motorcycle accident) and Patrick (died aged four). After Tom's death, Pamela had one child, Tom Mboya Jr, with Alphonse Okuku, the brother of Tom Mboya.[18] Pamela died of an illness in January 2009 while seeking treatment in South Africa.[14] Jomo Kenyatta[a] (c. 1897 – 22 August 1978) was a Kenyan anti-colonial activist and politician who governed Kenya as its Prime Minister from 1963 to 1964 and then as its first President from 1964 to his death in 1978. He was the country's first indigenous head of government and played a significant role in the transformation of Kenya from a colony of the British Empire into an independent republic. Ideologically an African nationalist and conservative, he led the Kenya African National Union (KANU) party from 1961 until his death. Kenyatta was born to Kikuyu farmers in Kiambu, British East Africa. Educated at a mission school, he worked in various jobs before becoming politically engaged through the Kikuyu Central Association. In 1929, he travelled to London to lobby for Kikuyu land affairs. During the 1930s, he studied at Moscow's Communist University of the Toilers of the East, University College London, and the London School of Economics. In 1938, he published an anthropological study of Kikuyu life before working as a farm labourer in Sussex during the Second World War. Influenced by his friend George Padmore, he embraced anti-colonialist and Pan-African ideas, co-organising the 1945 Pan-African Congress in Manchester. He returned to Kenya in 1946 and became a school principal. In 1947, he was elected President of the Kenya African Union, through which he lobbied for independence from British colonial rule, attracting widespread indigenous support but animosity from white settlers. In 1952, he was among the Kapenguria Six arrested and charged with masterminding the anti-colonial Mau Mau Uprising. Although protesting his innocence—a view shared by later historians—he was convicted. He remained imprisoned at Lokitaung until 1959 and was then exiled to Lodwar until 1961. On his release, Kenyatta became President of KANU and led the party to victory in the 1963 general election. As Prime Minister, he oversaw the transition of the Kenya Colony into an independent republic, of which he became president in 1964. Desiring a one-party state, he transferred regional powers to his central government, suppressed political dissent, and prohibited KANU's only rival—Oginga Odinga's leftist Kenya People's Union—from competing in elections. He promoted reconciliation between the country's indigenous ethnic groups and its European minority, although his relations with the Kenyan Indians were strained and Kenya's army clashed with Somali separatists in the North Eastern Province during the Shifta War. His government pursued capitalist economic policies and the "Africanisation" of the economy, prohibiting non-citizens from controlling key industries. Education and healthcare were expanded, while UK-funded land redistribution favoured KANU loyalists and exacerbated ethnic tensions. Under Kenyatta, Kenya joined the Organisation of African Unity and the Commonwealth of Nations, espousing a pro-Western and anti-communist foreign policy amid the Cold War. Kenyatta died in office and was succeeded by Daniel arap Moi. Kenyatta was a controversial figure. Prior to Kenyan independence, many of its white settlers regarded him as an agitator and malcontent, although across Africa he gained widespread respect as an anti-colonialist. During his presidency, he was given the honorary title of Mzee and lauded as the Father of the Nation, securing support from both the black majority and the white minority with his message of reconciliation. Conversely, his rule was criticised as dictatorial, authoritarian, and neo-colonial, of favouring Kikuyu over other ethnic groups, and of facilitating the growth of widespread corruption. Contents 1 Early life 1.1 Childhood 1.2 Nairobi: 1914–1922 1.3 Kikuyu Central Association: 1922–1929 2 Overseas 2.1 London: 1929–1931 2.2 Return to Europe: 1931–1933 2.3 University College London and the London School of Economics: 1933–1939 2.4 World War II: 1939–1945 3 Return to Kenya 3.1 Presidency of the Kenya African Union: 1946–1952 3.2 Trial: 1952–1953 3.3 Imprisonment: 1954–1961 3.4 Preparing for independence: 1961–1963 4 Leadership 4.1 Premiership: 1963–1964 4.2 Presidency: 1964–1978 4.2.1 Economic policy 4.2.2 Land, healthcare, and education reform 4.2.3 Foreign policy 4.2.4 Dissent and the one-party state 4.3 Illness and death 5 Political ideology 5.1 Views on Pan-Africanism and socialism 6 Personality and personal life 7 Legacy 7.1 Domestic influence and posthumous assessment 8 Bibliography 9 Notes 10 References 10.1 Footnotes 10.2 Sources 11 Further reading 12 External links Early life Childhood A traditional Kikuyu house similar to that in which Kenyatta would have lived in Nginda A member of the Kikuyu people, Kenyatta was born with the name Kamau in the village of Nginda.[2] Birth records were not then kept among the Kikuyu, and Kenyatta's date of birth is not known.[3] One biographer, Jules Archer, suggested he was likely born in 1890,[4] although a fuller analysis by Jeremy Murray-Brown suggested a birth circa 1897 or 1898.[5] Kenyatta's father was named Muigai, and his mother Wambui.[2] They lived in a homestead near the River Thiririka, where they raised crops, bred sheep and goats.[2] Muigai was sufficiently wealthy that he could afford to keep several wives, each living in a separate nyūmba (woman's hut).[6] Kenyatta was raised according to traditional Kikuyu custom and belief, and was taught the skills needed to herd the family flock.[7] When he was ten, his earlobes were pierced to mark his transition from childhood.[8] Wambui subsequently bore another son, Kongo,[9] shortly before Muigai died.[10] In keeping with Kikuyu tradition, Wambui then married her late husband's younger brother, Ngengi.[10] Kenyatta then took the name of Kamau wa Ngengi ("Kamau, son of Ngengi").[11] Wambui bore her new husband a son, whom they also named Muigai.[10] Ngengi was harsh and resentful toward the three boys, and Wambui decided to take her youngest son to live with her parental family further north.[10] It was there that she died, and Kenyatta—who was very fond of the younger Muigai—travelled to collect his infant half-brother.[10] Kenyatta then moved in with his grandfather, Kongo wa Magana, and assisted the latter in his role as a traditional healer.[12] "Missionaries have done a lot of good work because it was through the missionary that many of the Kikuyu got their first education ... and were able to learn how to read and write ... Also, the medical side of it: the missionary did very well. At the same time I think the missionaries ... did not understand the value of the African custom, and many of them tried to stamp out some of the customs without knowing the part they play in the life of the Kikuyu ... They upset the life of the people." —Kenyatta, in a BBC interview, 1963[13] In November 1909, Kenyatta left home and enrolled as a pupil at the Church of Scotland Mission (CSM) at Thogoto.[14] The missionaries were zealous Christians who believed that bringing Christianity to the indigenous peoples of Eastern Africa was part of Britain's civilizing mission.[15] While there, Kenyatta stayed at the small boarding school, where he learnt stories from the Bible,[16] and was taught to read and write in English.[17] He also performed chores for the mission, including washing the dishes and weeding the gardens.[18] He was soon joined at the mission dormitory by his brother Kongo.[19] The longer the pupils stayed, the more they came to resent the patronising way many of the British missionaries treated them.[20] Kenyatta's academic progress was unremarkable, and in July 1912 he became an apprentice to the mission's carpenter.[21] That year, he professed his dedication to Christianity and began undergoing catechism.[21] In 1913, he underwent the Kikuyu circumcision ritual; the missionaries generally disapproved of this custom, but it was an important aspect of Kikuyu tradition, allowing Kenyatta to be recognized as an adult.[22] Asked to take a Christian name for his upcoming baptism, he first chose both John and Peter after Jesus' apostles. Forced by the missionaries to choose just one, he chose Johnstone, the -stone chosen as a reference to Peter.[23] Accordingly, he was baptized as Johnstone Kamau in August 1914.[24] After his baptism, Kenyatta moved out of the mission dormitory and lived with friends.[25] Having completed his apprenticeship to the carpenter, Kenyatta requested that the mission allow him to be an apprentice stonemason, but they refused.[25] He then requested that the mission recommend him for employment, but the head missionary refused because of an allegation of minor dishonesty.[26] Nairobi: 1914–1922 Kenyatta moved to Thika, where he worked for an engineering firm run by the Briton John Cook. In this position, he was tasked with fetching the company wages from a bank in Nairobi, 25 miles (40 km) away.[27] Kenyatta left the job when he became seriously ill; he recuperated at a friend's house in the Tumutumu Presbyterian mission.[28] At the time, the British Empire was engaged in the First World War, and the British Army had recruited many Kikuyu. One of those who joined was Kongo, who disappeared during the conflict; his family never learned of his fate.[29] Kenyatta did not join the armed forces, and like other Kikuyu he moved to live among the Maasai, who had refused to fight for the British.[30] Kenyatta lived with the family of an aunt who had married a Maasai chief,[31] adopting Maasai customs and wearing Maasai jewellery, including a beaded belt known as kinyata in the Kikuyu language. At some point, he took to calling himself "Kinyata" or "Kenyatta" after this garment.[32] In 1917, Kenyatta moved to Narok, where he was involved in transporting livestock to Nairobi,[31] before relocating to Nairobi to work in a store selling farming and engineering equipment.[31] In the evenings, he took classes in a church mission school.[31] Several months later he returned to Thika before obtaining employment building houses for the Thogota Mission.[33] He also lived for a time in Dagoretti, where he became a retainer for a local sub-chief, Kioi; in 1919 he assisted Kioi in putting the latter's case in a land dispute before a Nairobi court.[34] Desiring a wife,[35] Kenyatta entered a relationship with Grace Wahu, who had attended the CMS School in Kabete; she initially moved into Kenyatta's family homestead,[35] although she joined Kenyatta in Dagoretti when Ngengi drove her out.[35] On 20 November 1920 she gave birth to Kenyatta's son, Peter Muigui.[36] In October 1920, Kenyatta was called before the Thogota Kirk Session and suspended from taking Holy Communion; the suspension was in response to his drinking and his relations with Wahu out of wedlock.[37] The church insisted that a traditional Kikuyu wedding would be inadequate, and that he must undergo a Christian marriage;[38] this took place on 8 November 1922.[39] Kenyatta had initially refused to cease drinking,[38] but in July 1923 officially renounced alcohol and was allowed to return to Holy Communion.[40] In April 1922, Kenyatta began working as a stores clerk and meter reader for Cook, who had been appointed water superintendent for Nairobi's municipal council.[41] He earned 250 shillings a month, a particularly high wage for a native African, which brought him financial independence and a growing sense of self-confidence.[42] Kenyatta lived in the Kilimani neighbourhood of Nairobi,[43] although he financed the construction of a second home at Dagoretti; he referred to this latter hut as the Kinyata Stores for he used it to hold general provisions for the neighborhood.[44] He had sufficient funds that he could lend money to European clerks in the offices,[45] and could enjoy the lifestyle offered by Nairobi, which included cinemas, football matches, and imported British fashions.[45] Kikuyu Central Association: 1922–1929 Kenyatta lobbied against many of the actions of Edward Grigg, Governor of Kenya. Grigg tried to suppress many of Kenyatta's activities. Anti-imperialist sentiment was on the rise among both native and Indian communities in Kenya following the Irish War of Independence and the Russian October Revolution.[46] Many indigenous Africans resented having to carry kipande identity certificates at all times, being forbidden from growing coffee, and paying taxes without political representation.[47] Political upheavals occurred in Kikuyuland—the area inhabited largely by the Kikuyu—following World War I, among them the campaigns of Harry Thuku and the East African Association, resulting in the government massacre of 21 native protesters in March 1922.[48] Kenyatta had not taken part in these events,[49] perhaps so as not to disrupt his lucrative employment prospects.[43] Kenyatta's interest in politics stemmed from his friendship with James Beauttah, a senior figure in the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA). Beauttah took Kenyatta to a political meeting in Pumwani, although this led to no firm involvement at the time.[50] In either 1925 or early 1926, Beauttah moved to Uganda, but remained in contact with Kenyatta.[46] When the KCA wrote to Beauttah and asked him to travel to London as their representative, he declined, but recommended that Kenyatta—who had a good command of English—go in his place.[51] Kenyatta accepted, probably on the condition that the Association matched his pre-existing wage.[52] He thus became the group's secretary.[53] It is likely that the KCA purchased a motorbike for Kenyatta,[52] which he used to travel around Kikuyuland and neighbouring areas inhabited by the Meru and Embu, helping to establish new KCA branches.[54] In February 1928, he was part of a KCA party that visited Government House in Nairobi to give evidence in front of the Hilton Young Commission, which was then considering a federation between Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika.[55] In June, he was part of a KCA team which appeared before a select committee of the Kenyan Legislative Council to express concerns about the recent introduction of Land Boards. Introduced by the British Governor of Kenya, Edward Grigg, these Land Boards would hold all land in native reserves in trust for each tribal group. Both the KCA and the Kikuyu Association opposed these Land Boards, which treated Kikuyu land as collectively-owned rather than recognising individual Kikuyu land ownership.[56] Also in February, his daughter, Wambui Margaret, was born.[57] By this point he was increasingly using the name "Kenyatta", which had a more African appearance than "Johnstone".[58] In May 1928, the KCA launched a Kikuyu-language magazine, Muĩgwithania (roughly translated as "The Reconciler" or "The Unifier"), in which it published news, articles, and homilies.[59] Its purpose was to help unify the Kikuyu and raise funds for the KCA.[60] Kenyatta was listed as the publication's editor,[58] although Murray-Brown suggested that he was not the guiding hand behind it and that his duties were largely confined to translating into Kikuyu.[60] Aware that Thuku had been exiled for his activism, Kenyatta's took a cautious approach to campaigning, and in Muĩgwithania he expressed support for the churches, district commissioners, and chiefs.[61] He also praised the British Empire, stating that: "The first thing [about the Empire] is that all people are governed justly, big or small—equally. The second thing is that nobody is regarded as a slave, everyone is free to do what he or she likes without being hindered."[60] This did not prevent Grigg from writing to the authorities in London requesting permission to shut the magazine down.[57] Overseas London: 1929–1931 After the KCA raised sufficient funds, in February 1929 Kenyatta sailed from Mombasa to Britain.[62] Grigg's administration could not stop Kenyatta's journey but asked London's Colonial Office not to meet with him.[63] He initially stayed at the West African Students' Union premises in West London, where he met Ladipo Solanke.[64] He then lodged with a prostitute; both this and Kenyatta's lavish spending brought concern from the Church Mission Society.[65] His landlord subsequently impounded his belongings due to unpaid debt.[66] In the city, Kenyatta met with W. McGregor Ross at the Royal Empire Society, Ross briefing him on how to deal with the Colonial Office.[67] Kenyatta became friends with Ross' family, and accompanied them to social events in Hampstead.[68] He also contacted anti-imperialists active in Britain, including the League Against Imperialism, Fenner Brockway, and Kingsley Martin.[69] Grigg was in London at the same time and, despite his opposition to Kenyatta's visit, agreed to meet with him at the Rhodes Trust headquarters in April. At the meeting, Kenyatta raised the land issue and Thuku's exile, the atmosphere between the two being friendly.[70] In spite of this, following the meeting, Grigg convinced Special Branch to monitor Kenyatta.[71] Kenyatta developed contacts with radicals to the left of the Labour Party, including several communists.[72] In the summer of 1929, he left London and traveled by Berlin to Moscow before returning to London in October.[73] Kenyatta was strongly influenced by his time in the Soviet Union.[74] Back in England, he wrote three articles on the Kenyan situation for the Communist Party of Great Britain's newspapers, the Daily Worker and Sunday Worker. In these, his criticism of British imperialism was far stronger than it had been in Muĩgwithania.[75] These communist links concerned many of Kenyatta's liberal patrons.[72] In January, Kenyatta met with Drummond Shiels, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, at the House of Commons. Kenyatta told Shiels that he was not affiliated with communist circles and was unaware of the nature of the newspaper which published his articles.[76] Shiels advised Kenyatta to return home to promote Kikuyu involvement in the constitutional process and discourage violence and extremism.[77] After eighteen months in Europe, Kenyatta had run out of money. The Anti-Slavery Society advanced him funds to pay off his debts and return to Kenya.[78] Although Kenyatta enjoyed life in London and feared arrest if he returned home,[79] he sailed back to Mombasa in September 1930.[80] On his return, his prestige among the Kikuyu was high because of his time spent in Europe.[81] In his absence, female genital mutilation (FGM) had become a topic of strong debate in Kikuyu society. The Protestant churches, backed by European medics and the colonial authorities, supported the abolition of this traditional practice, but the KCA rallied to its defence, claiming that its abolition would damage the structure of Kikuyu society.[82] Anger between the two sides had heightened, several churches expelling KCA members from their congregations, and it was widely believed that the January 1930 killing of an American missionary, Hulda Stumpf, had been due to the issue.[83] As Secretary of the KCA, Kenyatta met with church representatives. He expressed the view that although personally opposing FGM, he regarded its legal abolition as counter-productive, and argued that the churches should focus on eradicating the practice through educating people about its harmful effects on women's health.[84] The meeting ended without compromise, and John Arthur—the head of the Church of Scotland in Kenya—later expelled Kenyatta from the church, citing what he deemed dishonesty during the debate.[85] In 1931, Kenyatta took his son out of the church school at Thogota and enrolled him in a KCA-approved, independent school.[86] Return to Europe: 1931–1933 "With the support of all revolutionary workers and peasants we must redouble our efforts to break the bonds that bind us. We must refuse to give any support to the British imperialists either by paying taxes or obeying any of their slave laws! We can fight in unity with the workers and toilers of the whole world, and for a Free Africa." —Kenyatta in the Labour Monthly, November 1933[87] In May 1931, Kenyatta and Parmenas Mockerie sailed for Britain, intent on representing the KCA at a Joint Committee of Parliament on the future of East Africa.[88] Kenyatta would not return to Kenya for fifteen years.[89] In Britain, he spent the summer attending an Independent Labour Party summer school and Fabian Society gatherings.[90] In June, he visited Geneva, Switzerland to attend a Save the Children conference on African children.[91] In November, he met the Indian independence leader Mohandas Gandhi while in London.[92] That month, he enrolled in the Woodbrooke Quaker College in Birmingham, where he remained until the spring of 1932, attaining a certificate in English writing.[93] In Britain, Kenyatta befriended an Afro-Caribbean Marxist, George Padmore, who was working for the Soviet-run Comintern.[94] Over time, he became Padmore's protégé.[95] In late 1932, he joined Padmore in Germany.[96] Before the end of the year, the duo relocated to Moscow, where Kenyatta studied at the Communist University of the Toilers of the East.[97] There he was taught arithmetic, geography, natural science, and political economy, as well as Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the history of the Marxist-Leninist movement.[98] Many Africans and members of the African diaspora were attracted to the institution because it offered free education and the opportunity to study in an environment where they were treated with dignity, free from the institutionalised racism present in the U.S. and British Empire.[99] Kenyatta complained about the food, accommodation, and poor quality of English instruction.[72] There is no evidence that he joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,[100] and one of his fellow students later characterised him as "the biggest reactionary I have ever met."[101] Kenyatta also visited Siberia, probably as part of an official guided tour.[102] The emergence of Germany's Nazi government shifted political allegiances in Europe; the Soviet Union pursued formal alliances with France and Czechoslovakia,[103] and thus reduced its support for the movement against British and French colonial rule in Africa.[104] As a result, Comintern disbanded the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, with which both Padmore and Kenyatta were affiliated. Padmore resigned from the Soviet Communist Party in protest, and was subsequently vilified in the Soviet press.[105] Both Padmore and Kenyatta left the Soviet Union, the latter returning to London in August 1933.[106] The British authorities were highly suspicious of Kenyatta's time in the Soviet Union, suspecting that he was a Marxist-Leninist, and following his return the MI5 intelligence service intercepted and read all his mail.[107] Kenyatta continued writing articles, reflecting Padmore's influence.[108] Between 1931 and 1937 he wrote several articles for the Negro Worker and joined the newspaper's editorial board in 1933.[109] He also produced an article for a November 1933 issue of Labour Monthly,[110] and in May 1934 had a letter published in The Manchester Guardian.[111] He also wrote the entry on Kenya for Negro, an anthology edited by Nancy Cunard and published in 1934.[112] In these, he took a more radical position than he had in the past, calling for complete self-rule in Kenya.[113] In doing so he was virtually alone among political Kenyans; figures like Thuku and Jesse Kariuki were far more moderate in their demands.[114] The pro-independence sentiments that he was able to express in Britain would not have been permitted in Kenya itself.[87] University College London and the London School of Economics: 1933–1939 Between 1935 and 1937, Kenyatta worked as a linguistic informant for the Phonetics Department at University College London (UCL); his Kikuyu voice recordings assisted Lilias Armstrong's production of The Phonetic and Tonal Structure of Kikuyu.[115] The book was published under Armstrong's name, although Kenyatta claimed he should have been listed as co-author.[116] He enrolled at UCL as a student, studying an English course between January and July 1935 and then a phonetics course from October 1935 to June 1936.[117] Enabled by a grant from the International African Institute,[118] he also took a social anthropology course under Bronisław Malinowski at the London School of Economics (LSE). Kenyatta lacked the qualifications normally required to join the course, but Malinowski was keen to support the participation of indigenous peoples in anthropological research.[119] For Kenyatta, acquiring an advanced degree would bolster his status among Kenyans and display his intellectual equality with white Europeans in Kenya.[120] Over the course of his studies, Kenyatta and Malinowski became close friends.[121] Fellow course-mates included the anthropologists Audrey Richards, Lucy Mair, and Elspeth Huxley.[122] Another of his fellow LSE students was Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, who invited Kenyatta to stay with him and his mother, Princess Marie Bonaparte, in Paris during the spring of 1936.[123] 95 Cambridge Street, London, where Kenyatta resided for much of his time in London; it is now marked by a blue plaque. Kenyatta returned to his former dwellings at 95 Cambridge Street,[124] but did not pay his landlady for over a year, owing over £100 in rent.[125] This angered Ross and contributed to the breakdown of their friendship.[126] He then rented a Camden Town flat with his friend Dinah Stock, whom he met at an anti-imperialist rally in Trafalgar Square.[127] Kenyatta socialised at the Student Movement House in Russell Square, which he had joined in the spring of 1934,[128] and befriended Africans in the city.[129] To earn money, he worked as one of 250 black extras in the film Sanders of the River, filmed at Shepperton Studios in Autumn 1934.[129] Several other Africans in London criticized him for doing so, arguing that the film degraded black people.[130] Appearing in the film also allowed him to meet and befriend its star, the African-American Paul Robeson.[131] In 1935, Italy invaded Ethiopia (Abyssinia), incensing Kenyatta and other Africans in London; he became the honorary secretary of the International African Friends of Abyssinia, a group established by Padmore and C. L. R. James.[132] When Ethiopia's monarch Haile Selassie fled to London in exile, Kenyatta personally welcomed him at Waterloo station.[133] This group developed into a wider pan-Africanist organisation, the International African Service Bureau (IASB), of which Kenyatta became one of the vice chairs.[134] Kenyatta began giving anti-colonial lectures across Britain for groups like the IASB, the Workers' Educational Association, Indian National Congress of Great Britain, and the League of Coloured Peoples.[135] In October 1938, he gave a talk to the Manchester Fabian Society in which he described British colonial policy as fascism and compared the treatment of indigenous people in East Africa to the treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany.[136] In response to these activities, the British Colonial Office reopened their file on him, although could not find any evidence that he was engaged in anything sufficiently seditious to warrant prosecution.[137] Kenyatta assembled the essays on Kikuyu society written for Malinowski's class and published them as Facing Mount Kenya in 1938.[138] Featuring an introduction written by Malinowski,[139] the book reflected Kenyatta's desire to use anthropology as a weapon against colonialism.[122] In it, Kenyatta challenged the Eurocentric view of history by presenting an image of a golden African past by emphasising the perceived order, virtue, and self-sufficiency of Kikuyu society.[140] Utilising a functionalist framework,[141] he promoted the idea that traditional Kikuyu society had a cohesion and integrity that was better than anything offered by European colonialism.[142] In this book, Kenyatta made clear his belief that the rights of the individual should be downgraded in favour of the interests of the group.[143] The book also reflected his changing views on female genital mutilation; where once he opposed it, he now unequivocally supported the practice, downplaying the medical dangers that it posed to women.[144] The book's jacket cover featured an image of Kenyatta in traditional dress, wearing a skin cloak over one shoulder and carrying a spear.[145] The book was published under the name "Jomo Kenyatta", the first time that he had done so; the term Jomo was close to a Kikuyu word describing the removal of a sword from its scabbard.[146] Facing Mount Kenya was a commercial failure, selling only 517 copies, but was generally well received;[147] an exception was among white Kenyans, whose assumptions about the Kikuyu being primitive savages in need of European civilization it challenged.[148] Murray-Brown later described it as "a propaganda tour de force. No other African had made such an uncompromising stand for tribal integrity."[149] Bodil Folke Frederiksen, a scholar of development studies, referred to it as "probably the most well-known and influential African scholarly work of its time",[150] while for fellow scholar Simon Gikandi, it was "one of the major texts in what has come to be known as the invention of tradition in colonial Africa".[151] World War II: 1939–1945 "In the last war 300,000 of my people fought in the British Army to drive the Germans from East Africa and 60,000 of them lost their lives. In this war large numbers of my people have been fighting to smash fascist power in Africa and have borne some of the hardest fights against the Italians. Surely if we are considered fit enough to take our rifles and fight side by side with white men we have a right to a direct say in the running of our country and to education." —Kenyatta, during World War II[152] After the United Kingdom entered World War II in September 1939, Kenyatta and Stock moved to the Sussex village of Storrington.[153] Kenyatta remained there for the duration of the war, renting a flat and a small plot of land to grow vegetables and raise chickens.[154] He settled into rural Sussex life,[155] and became a regular at the village pub, where he gained the nickname "Jumbo".[156] In August 1940, he took a job at a local farm as an agricultural worker—allowing him to evade military conscription—before working in the tomato greenhouses at Lindfield.[157] He attempted to join the local Home Guard, but was turned down.[152] On 11 May 1942 he married an English woman, Edna Grace Clarke, at Chanctonbury Registry Office.[158] In August 1943, their son, Peter Magana, was born.[158] Intelligence services continued monitoring Kenyatta, noting that he was politically inactive between 1939 and 1944.[159] In Sussex, he wrote an essay for the United Society for Christian Literature, My People of Kikuyu and the Life of Chief Wangombe, in which he called for his tribe's political independence.[160] He also began—although never finished—a novel partly based on his life experiences.[161] He continued to give lectures around the country, including to groups of East African soldiers stationed in Britain.[162] He became frustrated by the distance between him and Kenya, telling Edna that he felt "like a general separated by 5000 miles from his troops".[163] While he was absent, Kenya's authorities banned the KCA in 1940.[164] Kenyatta and other senior IASB members began planning the fifth Pan-African Congress, held in Manchester in October 1945.[165] They were assisted by Kwame Nkrumah, a Gold Coast (Ghanaian) who arrived in Britain earlier that year.[166] Kenyatta spoke at the conference, although made no particular impact on the proceedings.[167] Much of the debate that took place centred on whether indigenous Africans should continue pursuing a gradual campaign for independence or whether they should seek the military overthrow of the European imperialists.[168] The conference ended with a statement declaring that while delegates desired a peaceful transition to African self-rule, Africans "as a last resort, may have to appeal to force in the effort to achieve Freedom".[167] Kenyatta supported this resolution, although was more cautious than other delegates and made no open commitment to violence.[169] He subsequently authored an IASB pamphlet, Kenya: The Land of Conflict, in which he blended political calls for independence with romanticised descriptions of an idealised pre-colonial African past.[170] Return to Kenya Presidency of the Kenya African Union: 1946–1952 After British victory in World War II, Kenyatta received a request to return to Kenya in September 1946, sailing back that month.[171] He decided not to bring Edna—who was pregnant with a second child[172]—with him, aware that if they joined him in Kenya their lives would be made very difficult by the colony's racial laws.[173] On his arrival in Mombasa, Kenyatta was greeted by his first wife, Grace Wahu and their children.[174] He built a bungalow at Gatundu, near to where he was born, and began farming his 32-acre estate.[175] Kenyatta met with the new Governor of Kenya, Philip Euen Mitchell, and in March 1947 accepted a post on an African Land Settlement Board, holding the post for two years.[176] He also met with Mbiyu Koinange to discuss the future of the Koinange Independent Teachers' College in Githungui, Koinange appointing Kenyatta as its Vice-Principal.[177] In May 1947, Koinange moved to England, leaving Kenyatta to take full control of the college.[178] Under Kenyatta's leadership, additional funds were raised for the construction of school buildings and the number of boys in attendance rose from 250 to 900.[179] It was also beset with problems, including a decline in standards and teachers' strikes over non-payment of wages. Gradually, the number of enrolled pupils fell.[180] Kenyatta built a friendship with Koinange's father, a Senior Chief, who gave Kenyatta one of his daughters to take as his third wife.[177] She bore him another child, but later died in childbirth.[181] In 1951, he married his fourth wife, Ngina, who was one of the few female students at his college; she then gave birth to a daughter.[182] In October 1951 Kenyatta selected colors for the KAU flag: green for the land, black for the skin of the people, and red for the blood of liberty.[183] In August 1944, the Kenya African Union (KAU) had been founded; at that time it was the only active political outlet for indigenous Africans in the colony.[184] At its June 1947 annual general meeting, KAU's President James Gichuru stepped down and Kenyatta was elected as his replacement.[185] Kenyatta began to draw large crowds wherever he travelled in Kikuyuland,[186] and Kikuyu press began describing him as the "Saviour", "Great Elder", and "Hero of Our Race".[187] He was nevertheless aware that to achieve independence, KAU needed the support of other indigenous tribes and ethnic groups.[188] This was made difficult by the fact that many Maasai and Luo—tribes traditionally hostile to the Kikuyu—regarded him as an advocate of Kikuyu dominance.[189] He insisted on intertribal representation on the KAU executive and ensured that party business was conducted in Swahili, the lingua franca of indigenous Kenyans.[189] To attract support from Kenya's Indian community, he made contact with Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of the new Indian republic. Nehru's response was supportive, sending a message to Kenya's Indian minority reminding them that they were the guests of the indigenous African population.[186] Relations with the white minority remained strained; for most white Kenyans, Kenyatta was their principal enemy, an agitator with links to the Soviet Union who had the impertinence to marry a white woman.[190] They too increasingly called for further Kenyan autonomy from the British government, but wanted continued white-minority rule and closer links to the white-minority governments of South Africa, Northern Rhodesia, and Southern Rhodesia; they viewed Britain's newly elected Labour government with great suspicion.[191] The white Electors' Union put forward a "Kenya Plan" which proposed greater white settlement in Kenya, bringing Tanganyika into the British Empire, and incorporating it within their new British East African Dominion.[192] In April 1950, Kenyatta was present at a joint meeting of KAU and the East African Indian National Congress in which they both expressed opposition to the Kenya Plan.[193] By 1952, Kenyatta was widely recognized as a national leader, both by his supporters and by his opponents.[194] As KAU leader, he was at pains to oppose all illegal activity, including workers' strikes.[195] He called on his supporters to work hard, and to abandon laziness, theft, and crime.[196] He also insisted that in an independent Kenya, all racial groups would be safeguarded.[197] Kenyatta's gradualist and peaceful approach contrasted with the growth of the Mau Mau Uprising, as armed guerrilla groups began targeting the white minority and members of the Kikuyu community who did not support them. By 1959, the Mau Mau had killed around 1,880 people.[198] For many young Mau Mau militants, Kenyatta was regarded as a hero,[199] and they included his name in the oaths they gave to the organisation; such oathing was a Kikuyu custom by which individuals pledged allegiance to another.[200] Kenyatta publicly distanced himself from the Mau Mau.[201] In April 1952, he began a speaking tour in which he denounced the Mau Mau to assembled crowds, insisting that independence must be achieved through peaceful means.[202] In August he attended a much-publicised mass meeting in Kiambu where—in front of 30,000 people—he said that "Mau Mau has spoiled the country. Let Mau Mau perish forever. All people should search for Mau Mau and kill it."[203] Despite Kenyatta's vocal opposition to the Mau Mau, KAU had moved towards a position of greater militancy.[193] At its 1951 AGM, more militant African nationalists had taken senior positions and the party officially announced its call for Kenyan independence within three years.[183] In January 1952, KAU members formed a secret Central Committee devoted to direct action, formulated along a cell structure.[183] Whatever Kenyatta's views on these developments, he had little ability to control them.[181] He was increasingly frustrated, and—without the intellectual companionship he experienced in Britain—felt lonely.[204] Trial: 1952–1953 "We Africans are in the majority [in Kenya], and we should have self-government. That does not mean we should not take account of whites, provided we have the key position. We want to be friendly with whites. We don't want to be dominated by them." —Kenyatta, quoted by the Daily Express, September 1952[205] In October 1952, Kenyatta was arrested and driven to Nairobi, where he was taken aboard a plane and flown to Lokitaung, northwest Kenya, one of the most remote locations in the country.[206] From there he wrote to his family to let them know of his situation.[207] Kenya's authorities believed that detaining Kenyatta would help quell civil unrest.[208] Many white settlers wanted him exiled, but the government feared this would turn him into a martyr for the anti-colonialist cause.[209] They thought it better that he be convicted and imprisoned, although at the time had nothing to charge him with, and so began searching his personal files for evidence of criminal activity.[208] Eventually, they charged him and five senior KAU members with masterminding the Mau Mau, a proscribed group.[210] The historian John M. Lonsdale stated that Kenyatta had been made a "scapegoat",[211] while the historian A. B. Assensoh later suggested that the authorities "knew very well" that Kenyatta was not involved in the Mau Mau, but that they were nevertheless committed to silencing his calls for independence.[212] The trial took place in Kapenguria, a remote area near the Ugandan border that the authorities hoped would not attract crowds or attention.[213] Together, Kenyatta, Bildad Kaggia, Fred Kubai, Paul Ngei, Achieng Oneko and Kung'u Karumba—the "Kapenguria Six"—were put on trial.[208] The defendants assembled an international and multiracial team of defence lawyers, including Chaman Lall, H. O. Davies, F. R. S. De Souza, and Dudley Thompson, led by British barrister and Member of Parliament Denis Nowell Pritt.[210] Pritt's involvement brought much media attention;[210] during the trial he faced government harassment and was sent death threats.[214] The judge selected, Ransley Thacker, had recently retired from the Supreme Court of Kenya;[210] the government knew he would be sympathetic to their case and gave him £20,000 to oversee it.[215] The trial lasted five months: Rawson Macharia, the main prosecution witness, turned out to have perjured himself; the judge had only recently been awarded an unusually large pension and maintained secret contact with the then colonial Governor Evelyn Baring.[216] The prosecution failed to produce any strong evidence that Kenyatta or the other accused had any involvement in managing the Mau Mau.[217] In April 1953, Judge Thacker found the defendants guilty.[218] He sentenced them to seven years' hard labour, to be followed by indefinite restriction preventing them from leaving a given area without permission.[219] In addressing the court, Kenyatta stated that he and the others did not recognise the judge's findings; they claimed that the government had used them as scapegoats as a pretext to shut down KAU.[220] The historian Wunyabari O. Maloba later characterised it as "a rigged political trial with a predetermined outcome".[215] The government followed the verdict with a wider crackdown, banning KAU in June 1953,[221] and closing down most of the independent schools in the country, including Kenyatta's.[221] It appropriated his land at Gatundu and demolished his house.[222] Kenyatta and the others were returned to Lokitaung, where they resided on remand while awaiting the results of the appeal process.[223] Pritt pointed out that Thacker had been appointed magistrate for the wrong district, a technicality voiding the whole trial; the Supreme Court of Kenya concurred and Kenyatta and the others were freed in July 1953, only to be immediately re-arrested.[223] The government took the case to the East African Court of Appeal, which reversed the Supreme Court's decision in August.[223] The appeals process resumed in October 1953, and in January 1954 the Supreme Court upheld the convictions against all but Oneko.[224] Pritt finally took the case to the Privy Council in London, but they refused his petition without providing an explanation. He later noted that this was despite the fact his case was one of the strongest he had ever presented during his career.[225] According to Murray-Brown, it is likely that political, rather than legal considerations, informed their decision to reject the case.[224] Imprisonment: 1954–1961 Tanzanian children with signs demanding Kenyatta's release During the appeal process, a prison had been built at Lokitaung, where Kenyatta and the four others were then interned.[226] The others were made to break rocks in the hot sun but Kenyatta, because of his age, was instead appointed their cook, preparing a daily diet of beans and posho.[227] In 1955, P. de Robeck became the District Officer, after which Kenyatta and the other inmates were treated more leniently.[228] In April 1954, they had been joined by a captured Mau Mau commander, Waruhiu Itote; Kenyatta befriended him, and gave him English lessons.[229] By 1957, the inmates had formed into two rival cliques, with Kenyatta and Itote on one side and the other KAU members—now calling themselves the "National Democratic Party"—on the other.[230] In one incident, one of his rivals made an unsuccessful attempt to stab Kenyatta at breakfast.[231] Kenyatta's health had deteriorated in prison; manacles had caused problems for his feet and he had eczema across his body.[232] Kenyatta's imprisonment transformed him into a political martyr for many Kenyans, further enhancing his status.[194] A Luo anti-colonial activist, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, was the first to publicly call for Kenyatta's release, an issue that gained growing support among Kenya's anti-colonialists.[233] In 1955, the British writer Montagu Slater—a socialist sympathetic to Kenyatta's plight—released The Trial of Jomo Kenyatta, a book which raised the profile of the case.[234] In 1958, Rawson Macharia, the key witness in the state's prosecution of Kenyatta, signed an affidavit swearing that his evidence against Kenyatta had been false; this was widely publicised.[235] By the late 1950s, the imprisoned Kenyatta had become a symbol of African nationalism across the continent.[236] His sentence served, in April 1959 Kenyatta was released from Lokitaung.[237] The administration then placed a restricting order on Kenyatta, forcing him to reside in the remote area of Lodwar, where he had to report to the district commissioner twice a day.[238] There, he was joined by his wife Ngina.[239] In October 1961 she bore him another son, Uhuru, and later on another daughter, Nyokabi, and a further son, Muhoho.[240] Kenyatta spent two years in Lodwar.[241] The Governor of Kenya, Patrick Muir Renison, insisted that it was necessary; in a March 1961 speech, he described Kenyatta an "African leader to darkness and death" and stated that if he were released, violence would erupt.[242] Among those lobbying for Kenyatta's release from indefinite detention were Tanganyika's Julius Nyerere and Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah. This indefinite detention was widely interpreted internationally as a reflection of the cruelties of British imperialism.[243] Calls for his release came from the Chinese government,[244] India's Nehru,[245] and Tanganyika's Prime Minister Julius Nyerere.[246] Kwame Nkrumah—whom Kenyatta had known since the 1940s and who was now President of a newly independent Ghana—personally raised the issue with British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and other UK officials,[247] with the Ghanaian government offering Kenyatta asylum in the event of his release.[248] Resolutions calling for his release were produced at the All-African Peoples' Conferences held in Tunis in 1960 and Cairo in 1961.[236] Internal calls for his release came from Kenyan Asian activists in the Kenya Indian Congress,[249] while a colonial government commissioned poll revealed that most of Kenya's indigenous Africans wanted this outcome.[250] By this point, it was widely accepted that Kenyan independence was inevitable, the British Empire having been dismantled throughout much of Asia and Macmillan having made his "Wind of Change" speech.[251] In January 1960, the British government made its intention to free Kenya apparent.[252] It invited representatives of Kenya's anti-colonial movement to discuss the transition at London's Lancaster House. An agreement was reached that an election would be called for a new 65-seat Legislative Council, with 33 seats reserved for black Africans, 20 for other ethnic groups, and 12 as 'national members' elected by a pan-racial electorate.[212] It was clear to all concerned that Kenyatta was going to be the key to the future of Kenyan politics.[253] After the Lancaster House negotiations, the anti-colonial movement had split into two parties, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), which was dominated by Kikuyu and Luo, and the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), which was led largely by members of smaller ethnic groups like the Kalenjin and Maasai.[254] In May 1960, KANU nominated Kenyatta as its president, although the government vetoed it, insisting that he had been an instigator of the Mau Mau.[255] KANU then declared that it would refuse to take part in any government unless Kenyatta was freed.[256] KANU campaigned on the issue of Kenyatta's detainment in the February 1961 election, where it gained a majority of votes.[257] KANU nevertheless refused to form a government, which was instead created through a KADU-led coalition of smaller parties.[258] Kenyatta had kept abreast of these developments, although he had refused to back either KANU or KADU,[259] instead insisting on unity between the two parties.[260] Preparing for independence: 1961–1963 Renison decided to release Kenyatta before Kenya achieved independence. He thought public exposure to Kenyatta prior to elections would make the populace less likely to vote for a man Renison regarded as a violent extremist.[261] In April 1961, the government flew Kenyatta to Maralal, where he maintained his innocence of the charges but told reporters that he bore no grudges.[262] He reiterated that he had never supported violence or the illegal oathing system used by the Mau Mau,[263] and denied having ever been a Marxist, stating: "I shall always remain an African Nationalist to the end".[264] In August, he was moved to Gatundu in Kikuyuland, where he was greeted by a crowd of 10,000.[265] There, the colonial government had built him a new house to replace that they had demolished.[266] Now a free man, he travelled to cities like Nairobi and Mombasa to make public appearances.[267] After his release, Kenyatta set about trying to ensure that he was the only realistic option as Kenya's future leader.[268] In August he met with Renison at Kiambu,[269] and was interviewed by the BBC's Face to Face.[267] In October 1961, Kenyatta formally joined KANU and accepted its presidency.[270] In January 1962 he was elected unopposed as KANU's representative for the Fort Hall constituency in the legislative council after its sitting member, Kariuki Njiiri, resigned.[271] Kenyatta became close friends with the last British Governor of Kenya, Malcolm MacDonald, who helped speed the process of independence. Kenyatta traveled elsewhere in Africa, visiting Tanganyika in October 1961 and Ethiopia in November at the invitation of their governments.[272] A key issue facing Kenya was a border dispute in North East Province, alongside Somalia. Ethnic Somalis inhabited this region and claimed it should be part of Somalia, not Kenya.[273] Kenyatta disagreed, insisting the land remain Kenyan.[274] In June 1962, Kenyatta travelled to Mogadishu to discuss the issue with the Somalian authorities, but the two sides could not reach an agreement.[275] Kenyatta sought to gain the confidence of the white settler community. In 1962, the white minority had produced 80% of the country's exports and were a vital part of its economy, yet between 1962 and 1963 they were emigrating at a rate of 700 a month; Kenyatta feared that this white exodus would cause a brain drain and skills shortage that would be detrimental to the economy.[276] He was also aware that the confidence of the white minority would be crucial to securing Western investment in Kenya's economy.[277] Kenyatta made it clear that when in power, he would not sack any white civil servants unless there were competent black individuals capable of replacing them.[278] He was sufficiently successful that several prominent white Kenyans backed KANU in the subsequent election.[279] In 1962 he returned to London to attend one of the Lancaster House conferences.[280] There, KANU and KADU representatives met with British officials to formulate a new constitution.[281] KADU desired a federalist state organised on a system they called Majimbo with six largely autonomous regional authorities, a two-chamber legislature, and a central Federal Council of Ministers who would select a rotating chair to serve as head of government for a one-year term. Renison's administration and most white settlers favoured this system as it would prevent a strong central government implementing radical reform.[282] KANU opposed Majimbo, believing that it served entrenched interests and denied equal opportunities across Kenya; they also insisted on an elected head of government.[283] At Kenyatta's prompting, KANU conceded to some of KADU's demands; he was aware that he could amend the constitution when in office.[284] The new constitution divided Kenya into six regions, each with a regional assembly, but also featured a strong central government and both an upper and a lower house.[281] It was agreed that a temporary coalition government would be established until independence, several KANU politicians being given ministerial posts.[285] Kenyatta accepted a minor position, that of the Minister of State for Constitutional Affairs and Economic Planning.[286] The British government considered Renison too ill at ease with indigenous Africans to oversee the transition to independence and thus replaced him with Malcolm MacDonald as Governor of Kenya in January 1963.[287] MacDonald and Kenyatta developed a strong friendship;[288] the Briton referred to the latter as "the wisest and perhaps strongest as well as most popular potential Prime Minister of the independent nation to be".[289] MacDonald sped up plans for Kenyan independence, believing that the longer the wait, the greater the opportunity for radicalisation among African nationalists.[290] An election was scheduled for May, with self-government in June, followed by full independence in December.[291] Leadership Premiership: 1963–1964 The May 1963 general election pitted Kenyatta's KANU against KADU, the Akamba People's Party, and various independent candidates.[292] KANU was victorious with 83 seats out of 124 in the House of Representatives;[279] a KANU majority government replaced the pre-existing coalition.[293] On 1 June 1963, Kenyatta was sworn in as prime minister of the autonomous Kenyan government.[294] Kenya remained a monarchy, with Queen Elizabeth II as its head of state.[295] In November 1963, Kenyatta's government introduced a law making it a criminal offence to disrespect the Prime Minister, exile being the punishment.[296] Kenyatta's personality became a central aspect of the creation of the new state.[296] In December, Nairobi's Delamere Avenue was renamed Kenyatta Avenue,[297] and a bronze statue of him was erected beside the country's National Assembly.[296] Photographs of Kenyatta were widely displayed in shop windows,[296] and his face was also printed on the new currency.[296] In 1964, Oxford University Press published a collection of Kenyatta's speeches under the title of Harambee!.[298] Kenyatta initially agreed to merge Kenya with Tanganyika, Uganda and Zanzibar to form an East African Federation. Kenya's first cabinet included not only Kikuyu but also members of the Luo, Kamba, Kisii, and Maragoli tribal groups.[299] In June 1963, Kenyatta met with Julius Nyerere and Ugandan President Milton Obote in Nairobi. The trio discussed the possibility of merging their three nations (plus Zanzibar) into a single East African Federation, agreeing that this would be accomplished by the end of the year.[300] Privately, Kenyatta was more reluctant regarding the arrangement and as 1964 came around the federation had not come to pass.[301] Many radical voices in Kenya urged him to pursue the project;[302] in May 1964, Kenyatta rejected a back-benchers resolution calling for speedier federation.[301] He publicly stated that talk of a federation had always been a ruse to hasten the pace of Kenyan independence from Britain, but Nyerere denied that this was true.[301] Continuing to emphasize good relations with the white settlers, in August 1963 Kenyatta met with 300 white farmers at Nakuru. He reassured them that they would be safe and welcome in an independent Kenya, and more broadly talked of forgiving and forgetting the conflicts of the past.[303] Despite his attempts at wooing white support, he did not do the same with the Indian minority.[304] Like many indigenous Africans in Kenya, Kenyatta bore a sense of resentment towards this community, despite the role that many Indians had played in securing the country's independence.[305] He also encouraged the remaining Mau Mau fighters to leave the forests and settle in society.[277] Throughout Kenyatta's rule, many of these individuals remained out of work, unemployment being one of the most persistent problems facing his government.[305] A celebration to mark independence was held in a specially constructed stadium on 12 December 1963. During the ceremony, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh—representing the British monarchy—formally handed over control of the country to Kenyatta.[306] Also in attendance were leading figures from the Mau Mau.[307] In a speech, Kenyatta described it as "the greatest day in Kenya's history and the happiest day in my life."[308] He had flown Edna and Peter over for the ceremony, and in Kenya they were welcomed into Kenyatta's family by his other wives.[309] Disputes with Somalia over the Northern Frontier District (NFD) continued; for much of Kenyatta's rule, Somalia remained the major threat to his government.[310] To deal with sporadic violence in the region by Somali shifta guerrillas, Kenyatta sent soldiers into the region in December 1963 and gave them broad powers of arrest and seizure in the NFD in September 1964.[311] British troops were assigned to assist the Kenyan Army in the region.[312] Kenyatta also faced domestic opposition: in January 1964, sections of the army launched a mutiny in Nairobi, and Kenyatta called on the British Army to put down the rebellion.[313] Similar armed uprisings had taken place that month in neighboring Uganda and Tanganyika.[313] Kenyatta was outraged and shaken by the mutiny.[314] He publicly rebuked the mutineers, emphasising the need for law and order in Kenya.[315] To prevent further military unrest, he brought in a review of the salaries of the army, police, and prison staff, leading to pay rises.[314] Kenyatta also wanted to contain parliamentary opposition and at Kenyatta's prompting, in November 1964 KADU officially dissolved and its representatives joined KANU.[316] Two of the senior members of KADU, Ronald Ngala and Daniel arap Moi, subsequently became some of Kenyatta's most loyal supporters.[317] Kenya therefore became a de facto one-party state.[318] Presidency: 1964–1978 The presidential standard of Jomo Kenyatta, adopted in 1970 In December 1964, Kenya was officially proclaimed a republic.[319] Kenyatta became its executive president,[320] combining the roles of head of state and head of government.[321] Over the course of 1965 and 1966, several constitutional amendments enhanced the president's power.[322] For instance, a May 1966 amendment gave the president the ability to order the detention of individuals without trial if he thought the security of the state was threatened.[323] Seeking the support of Kenya's second largest ethnic group, the Luo, Kenyatta appointed the Luo Oginga Odinga as his vice president.[324] The Kikuyu—who made up around 20 percent of population—still held most of the country's important government and administrative positions.[325] This contributed to a perception among many Kenyans that independence had simply seen the dominance of a British elite replaced by the dominance of a Kikuyu elite.[305] Kenyatta's calls to forgive and forget the past were a keystone of his government.[326] He preserved some elements of the old colonial order, particularly in relation to law and order.[327] The police and military structures were left largely intact.[327] White Kenyans were left in senior positions within the judiciary, civil service, and parliament,[328] with the white Kenyans Bruce Mackenzie and Humphrey Slade being among Kenyatta's top officials.[329] Kenyatta's government nevertheless rejected the idea that the European and Asian minorities could be permitted dual citizenship, expecting these communities to offer total loyalty to the independent Kenyan state.[330] His administration pressured whites-only social clubs to adopt multi-racial entry policies,[331] and in 1964 schools formerly reserved for European pupils were opened to Africans and Asians.[331] Kenyatta's government believed it necessary to cultivate a united Kenyan national culture.[332] To this end, it made efforts to assert the dignity of indigenous African cultures which missionaries and colonial authorities had belittled as "primitive".[333] An East African Literature Bureau was created to publish the work of indigenous writers.[334] The Kenya Cultural Centre supported indigenous art and music, and hundreds of traditional music and dance groups were formed; Kenyatta personally insisted that such performances were held at all national celebrations.[335] Support was given to the preservation of historic and cultural monuments, while street names referencing colonial figures were renamed and symbols of colonialism—like the statue of British settler Hugh Cholmondeley, 3rd Baron Delamere in Nairobi city centre—were removed.[334] The government encouraged the use of Swahili as a national language, although English remained the main medium for parliamentary debates and the language of instruction in schools and universities.[333] The historian Robert M. Maxon nevertheless suggested that "no national culture emerged during the Kenyatta era", most artistic and cultural expressions reflecting particular ethnic groups rather than a broader sense of Kenyanness, while Western culture remained heavily influential over the country's elites.[336] Economic policy Independent Kenya had an economy heavily molded by colonial rule; agriculture dominated while industry was limited, and there was a heavy reliance on exporting primary goods while importing capital and manufactured goods.[337] Under Kenyatta, the structure of this economy did not fundamentally change, remaining externally oriented and dominated by multinational corporations and foreign capital.[338] Kenyatta's economic policy was capitalist and entrepreneurial,[339] with no serious socialist policies being pursued;[340] its focus was on achieving economic growth as opposed to equitable redistribution.[341] The government passed laws to encourage foreign investment, recognising that Kenya needed foreign-trained specialists in scientific and technical fields to aid its economic development.[342] Under Kenyatta, Western companies regarded Kenya as a safe and profitable place for investment;[343] between 1964 and 1970, large-scale foreign investment and industry in Kenya nearly doubled.[341] Kenyatta at an agricultural show in 1968 In contrast to his economic policies, Kenyatta publicly claimed he would create a democratic socialist state with an equitable distribution of economic and social development.[344] In 1965, when Thomas Mboya was minister for economic planning and development, the government issued a session paper titled "African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya", in which it officially declared its commitment to what it called an "African socialist" economic model.[345] The session proposed a mixed economy with an important role for private capital,[346] with Kenyatta's government specifying that it would consider only nationalisation in instances where national security was at risk.[347] Left-wing critics highlighted that the image of "African socialism" portrayed in the document provided for no major shift away from the colonial economy.[348] Kenya's agricultural and industrial sectors were dominated by Europeans and its commerce and trade by Asians; one of Kenyatta's most pressing issues was to bring the economy under indigenous control.[341] There was growing black resentment towards the Asian domination of the small business sector,[349] with Kenyatta's government putting pressure on Asian-owned businesses, intending to replace them with African-owned counterparts.[350] The 1965 session paper promised an "Africanization" of the Kenyan economy,[351] with the government increasingly pushing for "black capitalism".[350] The government established the Industrial and Commercial Development Corporation to provide loans for black-owned businesses,[350] and secured a 51% share in the Kenya National Assurance Company.[352] In 1965, the government established the Kenya National Trading Corporation to ensure indigenous control over the trade in essential commodities,[353] while the Trade Licensing Act of 1967 prohibited non-citizens from involvement in the rice, sugar, and maize trade.[354] During the 1970s, this expanded to cover the trade in soap, cement, and textiles.[353] Many Asians who had retained British citizenship were affected by these measures.[355] Between late 1967 and early 1968, growing numbers of Kenyan Asians migrated to Britain;[356] in February 1968 large numbers migrated quickly before a legal change revoked their right to do so.[357] Kenyatta was not sympathetic to those leaving: "Kenya's identity as an African country is not going to be altered by the whims and malaises of groups of uncommitted individuals."[357] Under Kenyatta, corruption became widespread throughout the government, civil service, and business community.[358] Kenyatta and his family were tied up with this corruption as they enriched themselves through the mass purchase of property after 1963.[359] Their acquisitions in the Central, Rift Valley, and Coast Provinces aroused great anger among landless Kenyans.[360] His family used his presidential position to circumvent legal or administrative obstacles to acquiring property.[361] The Kenyatta family also heavily invested in the coastal hotel business, Kenyatta personally owning the Leonard Beach Hotel.[362] Other businesses they were involved with included ruby mining in Tsavo National Park, the casino business, the charcoal trade—which was causing significant deforestation—and the ivory trade.[363] The Kenyan press, which was largely loyal to Kenyatta, did not delve into this issue;[364] it was only after his death that publications appeared revealing the scale of his personal enrichment.[365] Kenyan corruption and Kenyatta's role in it was better known in Britain, although many of his British friends—including McDonald and Brockway—chose to believe Kenyatta was not personally involved.[366] Land, healthcare, and education reform Kenyatta with Malawian President Hastings Banda The question of land ownership had deep emotional resonance in Kenya, having been a major grievance against the British colonialists.[367] As part of the Lancaster House negotiations, Britain's government agreed to provide Kenya with £27 million with which to buy out white farmers and redistribute their land among the indigenous population.[368] To ease this transition, Kenyatta made Bruce McKenzie, a white farmer, the Minister of Agriculture and Land.[368] Kenyatta's government encouraged the establishment of private land-buying companies that were often headed by prominent politicians.[369] The government sold or leased lands in the former White Highlands to these companies, which in turn subdivided them among individual shareholders.[369] In this way, the land redistribution programs favoured the ruling party's chief constituency.[370] Kenyatta himself expanded the land that he owned around Gatundu.[305] Kenyans who made claims to land on the basis of ancestral ownership often found the land given to other people, including Kenyans from different parts of the country.[370] Voices began to condemn the redistribution; in 1969, the MP Jean-Marie Seroney censured the sale of historically Nandi lands in the Rift to non-Nandi, describing the settlement schemes as "Kenyatta's colonization of the rift".[371] In part fuelled by high rural unemployment, Kenya witnessed growing rural-to-urban migration under Kenyatta's government.[372] This exacerbated urban unemployment and housing shortages, with squatter settlements and slums growing up and urban crime rates rising.[373] Kenyatta was concerned by this, and promoted the reversal of this rural-to-urban migration, but in this was unsuccessful.[374] Kenyatta's government was eager to control the country's trade unions, fearing their ability to disrupt the economy.[352] To this end it emphasised social welfare schemes over traditional industrial institutions,[352] and in 1965 transformed the Kenya Federation of Labour into the Central Organization of Trade (COT), a body which came under strong government influence.[375] No strikes could be legally carried out in Kenya without COT's permission.[376] There were also measures to Africanise the civil service, which by mid-1967 had become 91% African.[377] During the 1960s and 1970s the public sector grew faster than the private sector.[378] The growth in the public sector contributed to the significant expansion of the indigenous middle class in Kenyatta's Kenya.[379] The University of Nairobi, Kenya's first institution of higher education, was established under Kenyatta's administration. The government oversaw a massive expansion in education facilities.[380] In June 1963, Kenyatta ordered the Ominda Commission to determine a framework for meeting Kenya's educational needs.[381] Their report set out the long-term goal of universal free primary education in Kenya but argued that the government's emphasis should be on secondary and higher education to facilitate the training of indigenous African personnel to take over the civil service and other jobs requiring such an education.[382] Between 1964 and 1966, the number of primary schools grew by 11.6%, and the number of secondary schools by 80%.[382] By the time of Kenyatta's death, Kenya's first universities—the University of Nairobi and Kenyatta University—had been established.[383] Although Kenyatta died without having attained the goal of free, universal primary education in Kenya, the country had made significant advances in that direction, with 85% of Kenyan children in primary education, and within a decade of independence had trained sufficient numbers of indigenous Africans to take over the civil service.[384] Another priority for Kenyatta's government was improving access to healthcare services.[385] It stated that its long-term goal was to establish a system of free, universal medical care.[386] In the short-term, its emphasis was on increasing the overall number of doctors and registered nurses while decreasing the number of expatriates in those positions.[385] In 1965, the government introduced free medical services for out-patients and children.[386] By Kenyatta's death, the majority of Kenyans had access to significantly better healthcare than they had had in the colonial period.[386] Before independence, the average life expectancy in Kenya was 45, but by the end of the 1970s it was 55, the second-highest in Sub-Saharan Africa.[387] This improved medical care had resulted in declining mortality rates while birth rates remained high, resulting in a rapidly growing population; from 1962 to 1979, Kenya's population grew by just under 4% a year, the highest rate in the world at the time.[388] This put a severe strain on social services; Kenyatta's government promoted family planning projects to stem the birth-rate, but these had little success.[389] Foreign policy Kenyatta meets an American delegation from the Congress of Racial Equality, including Roy Innis. In part due to his advanced years, Kenyatta rarely traveled outside of Eastern Africa.[390] Under Kenyatta, Kenya was largely uninvolved in the affairs of other states, including those in the East African Community.[240] Despite his reservations about any immediate East African Federation, in June 1967 Kenyatta signed the Treaty for East African Co-operation.[391] In December he attended a meeting with Tanzanian and Ugandan representatives to form the East African Economic Community, reflecting Kenyatta's cautious approach toward regional integration.[391] He also took on a mediating role during the Congo Crisis, heading the Organisation of African Unity's Conciliation Commission on the Congo.[392] Facing the pressures of the Cold War,[393] Kenyatta officially pursued a policy of "positive non-alignment".[394] In reality, his foreign policy was pro-Western and in particular pro-British.[395] Kenya became a member of the British Commonwealth,[396] using this as a vehicle to put pressure on the white-minority apartheid regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia.[397] Britain remained one of Kenya's foremost sources of foreign trade; British aid to Kenya was among the highest in Africa.[394] In 1964, Kenya and the UK signed a Memorandum of Understanding, one of only two military alliances Kenyatta's government made;[394] the British Special Air Service trained Kenyatta's own bodyguards.[398] Commentators argued that Britain's relationship with Kenyatta's Kenya was a neo-colonial one, with the British having exchanged their position of political power for one of influence.[399] The historian Poppy Cullen nevertheless noted that there was no "dictatorial neo-colonial control" in Kenyatta's Kenya.[394] Jomo Kenyatta and his son meet the President of West Germany Heinrich Lübke in 1966. Although many white Kenyans accepted Kenyatta's rule, he remained opposed by white far-right activists; while in London at the July 1964 Commonwealth Conference, he was assaulted by Martin Webster, a British neo-Nazi.[400] Kenyatta's relationship with the United States was also warm; the United States Agency for International Development played a key role in helping respond to a maize shortage in Kambaland in 1965.[401] Kenyatta also maintained a warm relationship with Israel, including when other East African nations endorsed Arab hostility to the state;[402] he for instance permitted Israeli jets to refuel in Kenya on their way back from the Entebbe raid.[403] In turn, in 1976 the Israelis warned of a plot by the Palestinian Liberation Army to assassinate him, a threat he took seriously.[404] Kenyatta and his government were anti-communist,[405] and in June 1965 he warned that "it is naive to think that there is no danger of imperialism from the East. In world power politics the East has as much designs upon us as the West and would like to serve their own interests. That is why we reject Communism. "[406] His governance was often criticised by communists and other leftists, some of whom accused him of being a fascist.[343] When Chinese Communist official Zhou Enlai visited Dar es Salaam, his statement that "Africa is ripe for revolution" was clearly aimed largely at Kenya.[343] In 1964, Kenyatta impounded a secret shipment of Chinese armaments that passed through Kenyan territory on its way to Uganda. Obote personally visited Kenyatta to apologise.[407] In June 1967, Kenyatta declared the Chinese Chargé d'Affairs persona non grata in Kenya and recalled the Kenyan ambassador from Peking.[343] Relations with the Soviet Union were also strained; Kenyatta shut down the Lumumba Institute—an educational organisation named after the Congolese independence leader Patrice Lumumba—on the basis that it was a front for Soviet influence in Kenya.[408] Dissent and the one-party state Kenyatta at the Eldoret Agricultural Show, 1968 Kenyatta made clear his desire for Kenya to become a one-party state, regarding this as a better expression of national unity than a multi-party system.[409] In the first five years of independence, he consolidated control of the central government,[410] removing the autonomy of Kenya's provinces to prevent the entrenchment of ethnic power bases.[411] He argued that centralised control of the government was needed to deal with the growth in demands for local services and to assist quicker economic development.[411] In 1966, it launched a commission to examine reforms to local government operations,[411] and in 1969 passed the Transfer of Functions Act, which terminated grants to local authorities and transferred major services from provincial to central control.[412] A major focus for Kenyatta during the first three and a half years of Kenya's independence were the divisions within KANU itself.[413] Opposition to Kenyatta's government grew, particularly following the assassination of Pio Pinto in February 1965.[305] Kenyatta condemned the assassination of the prominent leftist politician, although UK intelligence agencies believed that his own bodyguard had orchestrated the murder.[414] Relations between Kenyatta and Odinga were strained, and at the March 1966 party conference, Odinga's post—that of party vice president—was divided among eight different politicians, greatly limiting his power and ending his position as Kenyatta's automatic successor.[415] Between 1964 and 1966, Kenyatta and other KANU conservatives had been deliberately trying to push Odinga to resign from the party.[416] Under growing pressure, in 1966 Odinga stepped down as state vice president, claiming that Kenya had failed to achieve economic independence and needed to adopt socialist policies. Backed by several other senior KANU figures and trade unionists, he became head of the new Kenya Peoples Union (KPU).[417] In its manifesto, the KPU stated that it would pursue "truly socialist policies" like the nationalisation of public utilities; it claimed Kenyatta's government "want[ed] to build a capitalist system in the image of Western capitalism but are too embarrassed or dishonest to call it that."[418] The KPU were legally recognised as the official opposition,[419] thus restoring the country's two party system.[420] The new party was a direct challenge to Kenyatta's rule,[420] and he regarded it as a communist-inspired plot to oust him.[421] Soon after the KPU's creation, the Kenyan Parliament amended the constitution to ensure that the defectors—who had originally been elected on the KANU ticket—could not automatically retain their seats and would have to stand for re-election.[422] This resulted in the election of June 1966.[423] The Luo increasingly rallied around the KPU,[424] which experienced localized violence that hindered its ability to campaign, although Kenyatta's government officially disavowed this violence.[425] KANU retained the support of all national newspapers and the government-owned radio and television stations.[426] Of the 29 defectors, only nine were re-elected on the KPU ticket;[427] Odinga was among them, having retained his Central Nyanza seat with a high majority.[428] Odinga was replaced as vice president by Joseph Murumbi,[429] who in turn would be replaced by Moi.[430] File:Kenya.ogv A British newsreel about Kenyatta's rule, produced in 1973 In July 1969, Mboya—a prominent and popular Luo KANU politician—was assassinated by a Kikuyu.[431] Kenyatta had reportedly been concerned that Mboya, with U.S. backing, could remove him from the presidency,[432] and across Kenya there were suspicions voiced that Kenyatta's government was responsible for Mboya's death.[429] The killing sparked tensions between the Kikuyu and other ethnic groups across the country,[433] with riots breaking out in Nairobi.[424] In October 1969, Kenyatta visited Kisumu, located in Luo territory, to open a hospital. On being greeted by a crowd shouting KPU slogans, he lost his temper. When members of the crowd started throwing stones, Kenyatta's bodyguards opened fire on them, killing and wounding several.[434] In response to the rise of KPU, Kenyatta had introduced oathing, a Kikuyu cultural tradition in which individuals came to Gatundu to swear their loyalty to him.[435] Journalists were discouraged from reporting on the oathing system, and several were deported when they tried to do so.[436] Many Kenyans were pressured or forced to swear oaths, something condemned by the country's Christian establishment.[437] In response to the growing condemnation, the oathing was terminated in September 1969,[438] and Kenyatta invited leaders from other ethnic groups to a meeting in Gatundu.[439] Kenyatta's government resorted to un-democratic measures to restrict the opposition.[440] It used laws on detention and deportation to perpetuate its political hold.[441] In 1966, it passed the Public Security (Detained and Restricted Persons) Regulations, allowing the authorities to arrest and detain anyone "for the preservation of public security" without putting them on trial.[442] In October 1969 the government banned the KPU,[443] and arrested Odinga before putting him under indefinite detainment.[444] With the organised opposition eliminated, from 1969, Kenya was once again a de facto one-party state.[445] The December 1969 general election—in which all candidates were from the ruling KANU—resulted in Kenyatta's government remaining in power, but many members of his government lost their parliamentary seats to rivals from within the party.[446] Over coming years, many other political and intellectual figures considered hostile to Kenyatta's rule were detained or imprisoned, including Seroney, Flomena Chelagat, George Anyona, Martin Shikuku, and Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o.[447] Other political figures who were critical of Kenyatta's administration, including Ronald Ngala and Josiah Mwangi Kariuki, were killed in incidents that many speculated were government assassinations.[448] Illness and death Kenyatta in the last year of his life For many years, Kenyatta had suffered health problems. He had a mild stroke in 1966,[449] and a second in May 1968.[450] He suffered from gout and heart problems, all of which he sought to keep hidden from the public.[451] By 1970, he was increasingly feeble and senile,[452] and by 1975 Kenyatta had—according to Maloba—"in effect ceased to actively govern".[453] Four Kikuyu politicians—Koinange, James Gichuru, Njoroge Mungai, and Charles Njonjo—formed his inner circle of associates, and he was rarely seen in public without one of them present.[454] This clique faced opposition from KANU back-benchers spearheaded by Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. In March 1975 Kariuki was kidnapped, tortured, and murdered, and his body was dumped in the Ngong Hills.[455] After Kariuki's murder, Maloba noted, there was a "noticeable erosion" of support for Kenyatta and his government.[456] Thenceforth, when the president spoke to crowds, they no longer applauded his statements.[457] In 1977, Kenyatta had several further strokes or heart attacks.[451] On 22 August 1978, he died of a heart attack in the State House, Mombasa.[458] The Kenyan government had been preparing for Kenyatta's death since at least his 1968 stroke; it had requested British assistance in organising his state funeral as a result of the UK's longstanding experience in this area.[459] McKenzie had been employed as a go-between,[450] and the structure of the funeral was orchestrated to deliberately imitate that of deceased British Prime Minister Winston Churchill.[460] In doing so, senior Kenyans sought to project an image of their country as a modern nation-state rather than one incumbent on tradition.[450] The funeral took place at St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church, six days after Kenyatta's death.[461] Britain's heir to the throne, Charles, Prince of Wales, attended the event, a symbol of the value that the British government perceived in its relationship with Kenya.[462] African heads of state also attended, including Nyerere, Idi Amin, Kenneth Kaunda, and Hastings Banda, as did India's Morarji Desai and Pakistan's Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.[463] His body was buried in a mausoleum in the parliament grounds.[464] Kenyatta's succession had been an issue of debate since independence,[465] and Kenyatta had not unreservedly nominated a successor.[450] The Kikuyu clique surrounding him had sought to amend the constitution to prevent vice president Moi—who was from the Kalenjin people rather than the Kikuyu—from automatically becoming acting president, but their attempts failed amid sustained popular and parliamentary opposition.[466] After Kenyatta's death, the transition of power proved smooth,[465] surprising many international commentators.[467] As vice president, Moi was sworn in as acting president for a 90-day interim period.[468] In October he was unanimously elected KANU President and subsequently declared President of Kenya itself.[469] Moi emphasised his loyalty to Kenyatta—"I followed and was faithful to him until his last day, even when his closest friends forsook him"—and there was much expectation that he would continue the policies inaugurated by Kenyatta.[470] He nevertheless criticised the corruption, land grabbing, and capitalistic ethos that had characterised Kenyatta's period and expressed populist tendencies by emphasizing a closer link to the poor.[471] In 1982 he would amend the Kenyan constitution to create a de jure one-party state.[472] Political ideology "Kenyatta possessed the common touch and great leadership qualities. He was essentially a moderate trying to achieve the radical revolution of a nationalist victory in a colonialist society, and his ambivalence over many issues can best be explained by his need to contain or use his militants—and he had plenty of them. They were impatient and wanted to see effective action. Kenyatta certainly knew how to appeal to African sentiments." —Kenyatta biographer Guy Arnold[473] Kenyatta was an African nationalist,[474] and was committed to the belief that European colonial rule in Africa must end.[475] Like other anti-colonialists, he believed that under colonialism, the human and natural resources of Africa had been used not for the benefit of Africa's population but for the enrichment of the colonisers and their European homelands.[475] For Kenyatta, independence meant not just self-rule, but an end to the colour bar and to the patronising attitudes and racist slang of Kenya's white minority.[476] According to Murray-Brown, Kenyatta's "basic philosophy" throughout his life was that "all men deserved the right to develop peacefully according to their own wishes".[477] Kenyatta expressed this in his statement that "I have stood always for the purposes of human dignity in freedom, and for the values of tolerance and peace."[478] This approach was similar to the Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda's ideology of "African humanism".[477] Murray-Brown noted that "Kenyatta had always kept himself free from ideological commitments",[327] while the historian William R. Ochieng observed that "Kenyatta articulated no particular social philosophy".[479] Similarly, Assensoh noted that Kenyatta was "not interested in social philosophies and slogans".[480] Several commentators and biographers described him as being politically conservative,[481] an ideological viewpoint likely bolstered by his training in functionalist anthropology.[482] He pursued, according to Maloba, "a conservatism that worked in concert with imperial powers and was distinctly hostile to radical politics".[483] Kenyatta biographer Guy Arnold described the Kenyan leader as "a pragmatist and a moderate", noting that his only "radicalism" came in the form of his "nationalist attack" on imperialism.[484] Arnold also noted that Kenyatta "absorbed a great deal of the British approach to politics: pragmatism, only dealing with problems when they become crises, [and] tolerance as long as the other side is only talking".[485] Donald Savage noted that Kenyatta believed in "the importance of authority and tradition", and that he displayed "a remarkably consistent view of development through self-help and hard work".[486] Kenyatta was also an elitist and encouraged the emergence of an elite class in Kenya.[487] He wrestled with a contradiction between his conservative desire for a renewal of traditional custom and his reformist urges to embrace Western modernity.[488] He also faced a contradiction between his internal debates on Kikuyu ethics and belief in tribal identity with his need to create a non-tribalised Kenyan nationalism.[488] Views on Pan-Africanism and socialism While in Britain, Kenyatta made political alliances with individuals committed to Marxism and to radical Pan-Africanism, the idea that African countries should politically unify;[489] some commentators have posthumously characterised Kenyatta as a Pan-Africanist.[490] Maloba observed that during the colonial period Kenyatta had embraced "radical Pan African activism" which differed sharply from the "deliberate conservative positions, especially on the question of African liberation" that he espoused while Kenya's leader.[491] As leader of Kenya, Kenyatta published two collected volumes of his speeches: Harambee and Suffering Without Bitterness.[492] The material included in these publications was carefully selected so as to avoid mention of the radicalism he exhibited while in Britain during the 1930s.[493] Kenyatta had been exposed to Marxist-Leninist ideas through his friendship with Padmore and the time spent in the Soviet Union,[494] but had also been exposed to Western forms of liberal democratic government through his many years in Britain.[327] He appears to have had no further involvement with the communist movement after 1934.[495] As Kenya's leader, Kenyatta rejected the idea that Marxism offered a useful framework for analysing his country's socio-economic situation.[496] The academics Bruce J. Berman and John M. Lonsdale argued that Marxist frameworks for analysing society influenced some of his beliefs, such as his view that British colonialism had to be destroyed rather than simply reformed.[497] Kenyatta nevertheless disagreed with the Marxist attitude that tribalism was backward and retrograde;[498] his positive attitude toward tribal society frustrated some of Kenyatta's Marxist Pan-Africanist friends in Britain, among them Padmore, James, and Ras T. Makonnen, who regarded it as parochial and un-progressive.[499] Assensoh suggested that Kenyatta initially had socialist inclinations but "became a victim of capitalist circumstances";[500] conversely, Savage stated that "Kenyatta's direction was hardly towards the creation of a radical new socialist society",[501] and Ochieng called him "an African capitalist".[479] When in power, Kenyatta displayed a preoccupation with individual and mbari land rights that were at odds with any socialist-oriented collectivisation.[501] According to Maloba, Kenyatta's government "sought to project capitalism as an African ideology, and communism (or socialism) as alien and dangerous".[502] Personality and personal life Main article: Kenyatta family "Ever a showman, [Kenyatta] could appear one moment in gaily coloured shirts, decorated with the cock of KANU, and the next in elegant suits from Savile Row, seldom without a rose in his buttonhole; he could be photographed in leopard-skin hat and cloak waving a silver fly-whisk or in old slacks on his farm tending his shrubs; he was equally at home in academic robes at a university function and in sandals and shorts on the beach at Mombasa. African exuberance and love of display found perfect expression in Kenyatta's flair alongside the dignity and respect due to 'His Excellency, the President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta'." —Kenyatta biographer Jeremy Murray-Brown[296] Kenyatta was a flamboyant character,[503] with an extroverted personality.[31] According to Murray-Brown, he "liked being at the centre of life",[504] and was always "a rebel at heart" who enjoyed "earthly pleasures".[505] One of Kenyatta's fellow LSE students, Elspeth Huxley, referred to him as "a showman to his finger tips; jovial, a good companion, shrewd, fluent, quick, devious, subtle, [and] flesh-pot loving".[122] Kenyatta liked to dress elaborately; throughout most of his adult life, he wore finger rings and while studying at university in London took to wearing a fez and cloak and carrying a silver-topped black cane.[504] He adopted his surname, "Kenyatta", after the name of a beaded belt he often wore in early life.[506] As President he collected a variety of expensive cars.[305] Murray-Brown noted that Kenyatta had the ability to "appear all things to all men",[186] also displaying a "consummate ability to keep his true purposes and abilities to himself", for instance concealing his connections with communists and the Soviet Union both from members of the British Labour Party and from Kikuyu figures at home.[507] This deviousness was sometimes interpreted as dishonesty by those who met him.[508] Referring to Kenyatta's appearance in 1920s Kenya, Murray-Brown stated the leader presented himself to Europeans as "an agreeable if somewhat seedy 'Europeanized' native" and to indigenous Africans as "a sophisticated man-about-town about whose political earnestness they had certain reservations".[58] Simon Gikandi argued that Kenyatta, like some of his contemporaries in the Pan-African movement, was an "Afro-Victorian", someone whose identity had been shaped "by the culture of colonialism and colonial institutions", especially those of the Victorian era.[509] During the 1920s and 1930s, Kenyatta cultivated the image of a "colonial gentleman";[510] in England, he displayed "pleasant manners" and a flexible attitude in adapting to urban situations dissimilar to the lands he had grown up in.[511] A. R. Barlow, a member of the Church of Scotland Mission at Kikuyu, met with Kenyatta in Britain, later relating that he was impressed by how Kenyatta could "mix on equal terms with Europeans and to hold his end up in spite of his handicaps, educationally and socially."[512] The South African Peter Abrahams met Kenyatta in London, noting that of all the black men involved in the city's Pan-Africanist movement, he was "the most relaxed, sophisticated and 'westernized' of the lot of us".[513] As President, Kenyatta often reminisced nostalgically about his time in England, referring to it as "home" on several occasions.[240] Berman and Lonsdale described his life as being preoccupied with "a search for the reconciliation of the Western modernity he embraced and an equally valued Kikuyuness he could not discard".[514] Gikandi argued that Kenyatta's "identification with Englishness was much more profound than both his friends and enemies have been willing to admit".[515] Kenyatta has also been described as a talented orator, author, and editor.[514] He had dictatorial and autocratic tendencies,[516] as well as a fierce temper that could emerge as rage on occasion.[517] Murray-Brown noted that Kenyatta could be "quite unscrupulous, even brutal" in using others to get what he wanted,[518] but he never displayed any physical cruelty or nihilism.[519] Kenyatta had no racist impulses regarding white Europeans, as can, for instance, be seen through his marriage to a white English woman.[519] He told his daughter "the English are wonderful people to live with in England."[485] He welcomed white support for his cause, so long as it was generous and unconditional, and spoke of a Kenya in which indigenous Africans, Europeans, Arabs, and Indians could all regard themselves as Kenyans, working and living alongside each other peacefully.[520] He nevertheless exhibited a general dislike of Indians, believing that they exploited indigenous Africans in Kenya.[521] "I do not think I am—and have never been—an enemy of Europeans or the white people, because I have spent many years in England or in Europe, and even today I have many friends in various nations." —Kenyatta, April 1961[522] Kenyatta was a polygamist.[523] He viewed monogamy through an anthropological lens as an interesting Western phenomenon but did not adopt the practice himself, instead having sexual relations with a wide range of women throughout his life.[519] Murray-Brown characterized Kenyatta as an "affectionate father" to his children, but one who was frequently absent.[57] Kenyatta had two children from his first marriage with Grace Wahu: son Peter Muigai Kenyatta (born 1920), who later became a deputy minister; and daughter Margaret Kenyatta (born 1928). Margaret served as mayor of Nairobi between 1970 and 1976 and then as Kenya's ambassador to the United Nations from 1976 to 1986.[524] Of these children, it was Margaret who was Kenyatta's closest confidante.[525] During his trial, Kenyatta described himself as a Christian[526] saying, "I do not follow any particular denomination. I believe in Christianity as a whole."[527] Arnold stated that in England, Kenyatta's adherence to Christianity was "desultory".[528] While in London, Kenyatta had taken an interest in the atheist speakers at Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park,[529] while an Irish Muslim friend had unsuccessfully urged Kenyatta to convert to Islam.[529] During his imprisonment, Kenyatta read up on Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism through books supplied to him by Stock.[530] The Israeli diplomat Asher Naim visited him in this period, noting that although Kenyatta was "not a religious man, he was appreciative of the Bible".[531] Despite portraying himself as a Christian, he found the attitudes of many European missionaries intolerable, in particular their readiness to see everything African as evil.[532] In Facing Mount Kenya, he challenged the missionaries' dismissive attitude toward ancestor veneration, which he instead preferred to call "ancestor communion".[533] In that book's dedication, Kenyatta invoked "ancestral spirits" as part of "the Fight for African Freedom."[534] Legacy A statue of Kenyatta was erected at the KICC in Nairobi. Within Kenya, Kenyatta came to be regarded as the "Father of the Nation",[535] and was given the unofficial title of Mzee, a Swahili term meaning "grand old man".[536] From 1963 until his death, a cult of personality surrounded him in the country,[537] one which deliberately interlinked Kenyan nationalism with Kenyatta's own personality.[537] This use of Kenyatta as a popular symbol of the nation itself was furthered by the similarities between their names.[538] He came to be regarded as a father figure not only by Kikuyu and Kenyans, but by Africans more widely.[539] After 1963, Maloba noted, Kenyatta became "about the most admired post-independence African leader" on the world stage, one who Western countries hailed as a "beloved elder statesman."[540] His opinions were "most valued" both by conservative African politicians and by Western leaders.[541] On becoming Kenya's leader, his anti-communist positions gained favour in the West,[542] and some pro-Western governments gave him awards; in 1965 he, for instance, received medals from both Pope Paul VI and from the South Korean government.[543] In 1974, Arnold referred to Kenyatta as "one of the outstanding African leaders now living", someone who had become "synonymous with Kenya".[544] He added that Kenyatta had been "one of the shrewdest politicians" on the continent,[516] regarded as "one of the great architects of African nationalist achievement since 1945".[545] Kenneth O. Nyangena characterised him as "one of the greatest men of the twentieth century", having been "a beacon, a rallying point for suffering Kenyans to fight for their rights, justice and freedom" whose "brilliance gave strength and aspiration to people beyond the boundaries of Kenya".[546] In 2018, Maloba described him as "one of the legendary pioneers of modern African nationalism".[547] In their examination of his writings, Berman and Lonsdale described him as a "pioneer" for being one of the first Kikuyu to write and publish; "his representational achievement was unique".[548] Domestic influence and posthumous assessment Maxon noted that in the areas of health and education, Kenya under Kenyatta "achieved more in a decade and a half than the colonial state had accomplished in the preceding six decades."[549] By the time of Kenyatta's death, Kenya had gained higher life expectancy rates than most of Sub-Saharan Africa.[549] There had been an expansion in primary, secondary, and higher education, and the country had taken what Maxon called "giant steps" toward achieving its goal of universal primary education for Kenyan children.[549] Another significant success had been in dismantling the colonial-era system of racial segregation in schools, public facilities, and social clubs peacefully and with minimal disruption.[549] Kenyatta's Mausoleum in Nairobi During much of his life, Kenya's white settlers had regarded Kenyatta as a malcontent and an agitator;[550] for them, he was a figure of hatred and fear.[540] As noted by Arnold, "no figure in the whole of British Africa, with the possible exception of [Nkrumah], excited among the settlers and the colonial authorities alike so many expressions of anger, denigration and fury as did Kenyatta."[551] As the historian Keith Kyle put it, for many whites Kenyatta was "Satan Incarnate".[552] This white animosity reached its apogee between 1950 and 1952.[553] By 1964, this image had largely shifted, and many white settlers referred to him as "Good Old Mzee".[554] Murray-Brown expressed the view that for many, Kenyatta's "message of reconciliation, 'to forgive and forget', was perhaps his greatest contribution to his country and to history."[478] To Ochieng, Kenyatta was "a personification of conservative social forces and tendencies" in Kenya.[479] Towards the end of his presidency, many younger Kenyans—while respecting Kenyatta's role in attaining independence—regarded him as a reactionary.[555] Those desiring a radical transformation of Kenyan society often compared Kenyatta's Kenya unfavourably with its southern neighbour, Nyerere's Tanzania.[556] The criticisms that leftists like Odinga made of Kenyatta's leadership were similar to those that the intellectual Frantz Fanon had made of post-colonial leaders throughout Africa.[557] Drawing upon Marxist theory, Jay O'Brien, for instance, argued that Kenyatta had come to power "as a representative of a would-be bourgeoisie", a coalition of "relatively privileged petty bourgeois African elements" who wanted simply to replace the British colonialists and "Asian commercial bourgeoisie" with themselves. He suggested that the British supported Kenyatta in this, seeing him as a bulwark against growing worker and peasant militancy who would ensure continued neo-colonial dominance.[558] Providing a similar leftist critique, the Marxist writer Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o stated that "here was a black Moses who had been called by history to lead his people to the promised land of no exploitation, no oppression, but who failed to rise to the occasion".[559] Ngũgĩ saw Kenyatta as a "twentieth-century tragic figure: he could have been a Lenin, a Mao Tse-Tung, or a Ho Chi Minh; but he ended up being a Chiang Kai-Shek, a Park-Chung Hee, or a Pinochet."[560] Ngũgĩ was among Kenyan critics who claimed that Kenyatta treated Mau Mau veterans dismissively, leaving many of them impoverished and landless while seeking to remove them from the centre stage of national politics.[561] In other areas Kenyatta's government also faced criticism; it for instance made little progress in advancing women's rights in Kenya.[562] Assensoh argued that in his life story, Kenyatta had a great deal in common with Ghana's Nkrumah.[563] Simon Gikandi noted that Kenyatta, like Nkrumah, was remembered for "initiating the discourse and process that plotted the narrative of African freedom", but at the same time both were "often remembered for their careless institution of presidential rule, one party dictatorship, ethnicity and cronyism. They are remembered both for making the dream of African independence a reality and for their invention of postcolonial authoritarianism."[564] In 1991, the Kenyan lawyer and human rights activist Gibson Kamau Kuria noted that in abolishing the federal system, banning independent candidates from standing in elections, setting up a unicameral legislature, and relaxing restrictions on the use of emergency powers, Kenyatta had laid "the groundwork" for Moi to further advance dictatorial power in Kenya during the late 1970s and 1980s.[565] Kenyatta was accused by Kenya's Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission in its 2013 report of using his authority as president to allocate large tracts of land to himself and his family across Kenya.[566] The Kenyatta family is among Kenya's biggest landowners.[567] During the 1990s, there was still much frustration among tribal groups, namely in the Nandi, Nakuru, Uasin-Gishu, and Trans-Nzoia Districts, where under Kenyatta's government they had not regained the land taken by European settlers and more of it had been sold to those regarded as "foreigners"—Kenyans from other tribes.[568] Among these groups there were widespread calls for restitution and in 1991 and 1992 there were violent attacks against many of those who obtained land through Kenyatta's patronage in these areas. The violence continued sporadically until 1996, with an estimated 1500 killed and 300,000 displaced in the Rift Valley.[569] Bibliography Year of publication Title Publisher 1938 Facing Mount Kenya Secker and Warburg 1944 My People of Kikuyu and the Life of Chief Wangombe United Society for Christian Literature 1944? Kenya: The Land of Conflict Panaf Service 1968 Suffering Without Bitterness East African Publishing House 1971 The Challenge of Uhuru: The Progress of Kenya, 1968 to 1970 East African Publishing House Jomo Kenyatta, original name Kamau Ngengi, (born c. 1894, Ichaweri, British East Africa [now in Kenya]—died August 22, 1978, Mombasa, Kenya), African statesman and nationalist, the first prime minister (1963–64) and then the first president (1964–78) of independent Kenya. Early life Kenyatta was born as Kamau, son of Ngengi, at Ichaweri, southwest of Mount Kenya in the East African highlands. His father was a leader of a small Kikuyu agricultural settlement. About age 10 Kamau became seriously ill with jigger infections in his feet and one leg, and he underwent successful surgery at a newly established Church of Scotland mission. This was his initial contact with Europeans. Fascinated with what he had seen during his recuperation, Kamau ran away from home to become a resident pupil at the mission. He studied the Bible, English, mathematics, and carpentry and paid his fees by working as a houseboy and cook for a European settler. In August 1914 he was baptized with the name Johnstone Kamau. He was one of the earliest of the Kikuyu to leave the confines of his own culture. And, like many others, Kamau soon left the mission life for the urban attractions of Nairobi. There he secured a job as a clerk in the Public Works Department, and he also adopted the name Kenyatta, the Kikuyu term for a fancy belt that he wore. After serving briefly as an interpreter in the High Court, Kenyatta transferred to a post with the Nairobi Town Council. About this time he married and began to raise a family. The first African political protest movement in Kenya against a white-settler-dominated government began in 1921—the East Africa Association (EAA), led by an educated young Kikuyu named Harry Thuku. Kenyatta joined the following year. One of the EAA’s main purposes was to recover Kikuyu lands lost when Kenya became a British crown colony (1920). The Africans were dispossessed, leaseholds of land were restricted to white settlers, and native reservations were established. In 1925 the EAA disbanded as a result of government pressures, and its members re-formed as the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA). Three years later Kenyatta became this organization’s general secretary, though he had to give up his municipal job as a consequence. Entrance into full-time politics In May 1928 Kenyatta launched a monthly Kikuyu-language newspaper called Mwigithania (“He Who Brings Together”), aimed at gaining support from all sections of the Kikuyu. The paper was mild in tone, preaching self-improvement, and was tolerated by the government. But soon a new challenge appeared. A British commission recommended a closer union of the three East African territories (Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika). British settler leaders supported the proposal, expecting that internal self-government might follow. To the KCA such a prospect looked disastrous for Kikuyu interests; in February 1929 Kenyatta went to London to testify against the scheme, but in London the secretary of state for colonies refused to meet with him. In March 1930 Kenyatta wrote an eloquent letter in The Times of London setting out five issues championed by the KCA: (1) security of land tenure and the return of lands allotted to European settlers, (2) increased educational facilities, (3) repeal of hut taxes on women, which forced some to earn money by prostitution, (4) African representation in the Legislative Council, and (5) noninterference with traditional customs. He concluded by saying that the lack of these measures “must inevitably result in a dangerous explosion—the one thing all sane men wish to avoid.” Again in 1931 Kenyatta’s testimony on the issue of closer union of the three colonies was refused, despite the help of liberals in the House of Commons. In the end, however, the government temporarily abandoned its plan for union. Kenyatta did manage to testify on behalf of Kikuyu land claims in 1932 at hearings of the Carter Land Commission. The commission decided to offer compensation for some appropriated territories but maintained the “white highlands” policy, which restricted the Kikuyu to overcrowded reserves. Kenyatta subsequently visited the Soviet Union (he spent two years at Moscow State University) and traveled extensively through Europe; on his return to England he studied anthropology under Bronisław Malinowski at the London School of Economics. His thesis was revised and published in 1938 as Facing Mount Kenya, a study of the traditional life of the Kikuyu characterized by both insight and a tinge of romanticism. This book signaled another name change, to Jomo (“Burning Spear”) Kenyatta. During the 1930s Kenyatta briefly joined the Communist Party, met other black nationalists and writers, and organized protests against the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. The onset of World War II temporarily cut him off from the KCA, which was banned by the Kenya authorities as potentially subversive. Kenyatta maintained himself in England by lecturing and working as a farm labourer, and he continued to produce political pamphlets publicizing the Kikuyu cause. Kenyatta helped organize the fifth Pan-African Congress, which met in Manchester, England, on October 15–18, 1945, with W.E.B. Du Bois of the United States in the chair; Kwame Nkrumah, the future leader of Ghana, was also present. Resolutions were passed and plans discussed for mass nationalist movements to demand independence from colonial rule. Return to Kenya of Jomo Kenyatta Kenyatta returned to Kenya in September 1946 to take up leadership of the newly formed Kenya African Union, of which he was elected president in June 1947. From the Kenya African Teachers College, which he directed as an alternative to government educational institutions, Kenyatta organized a mass nationalist party. But he had to produce tangible results in return for the allegiance of his followers, and the colonial government in Kenya was still dominated by unyielding settler interests. The “dangerous explosion” among the Kikuyu that he had predicted in 1930 erupted as the Mau Mau rebellion of 1952, which was directed against the presence of European settlers in Kenya and their ownership of land. On October 21, 1952, Kenyatta was arrested on charges of having directed the Mau Mau movement. Despite government efforts to portray Kenyatta’s trial as a criminal case, it received worldwide publicity as a political proceeding. In April 1953 Kenyatta was sentenced to a seven-year imprisonment for “managing the Mau Mau terrorist organization.” He denied the charge then and afterward, maintaining that the Kenya African Union’s political activities were not directly associated with Mau Mau violence. The British government responded to African demands by gradually steering the country toward African majority rule. In 1960 the principle of one man, one vote was conceded. Kenyan nationalist leaders such as Tom Mboya and Oginga Odinga organized the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and elected Kenyatta (still in detention despite having completed his sentence) president in absentia; they refused to cooperate with the British while Kenyatta was detained. In a press conference Kenyatta promised that “Europeans would find a place in the future Kenya provided they took their place as ordinary citizens.” Kenyatta was released in August 1961, and, at the London Conference early in 1962, he negotiated the constitutional terms leading to Kenya’s independence. KANU won the preindependence election in May 1963, forming a provisional government, and Kenya celebrated its independence on December 12, 1963, with Kenyatta as prime minister. A year later Kenya became a one-party republic when the main opposition party went into voluntary liquidation. At the same time, Kenyatta became the first president of Kenya under a new constitutional amendment. In this office he headed a strong central government, and successive constitutional amendments increased his authority, giving him, for instance, the power to arrest political opponents and detain them without trial if he considered them dangerous to public order—a power he used effectively though infrequently. To forestall any tribally based opposition, Kenyatta consistently appointed members of different ethnic groups to his government, though he relied most heavily on his fellow Kikuyu. In general, Kenya enjoyed remarkable political stability under Kenyatta’s rule, though conflicts within KANU’s political leadership did occasionally break out because of ideological differences and tribal rivalries. Kenyatta early on rejected socialist calls for the nationalization of property and instead preached a doctrine of personal and entrepreneurial effort, symbolized by his slogan “Harambee,” or “Pulling together.” Besides relying heavily on a free-market economy, he encouraged foreign investment from Western and other countries. Largely as a result of his policies, Kenya’s gross national product grew almost fivefold from 1971 to 1981, and its rate of economic growth was among the highest on the continent in the first two decades after independence. But though economic growth benefited large numbers of people, it also led to tremendous disparities of wealth, much of which was in the hands of Kenyatta’s family and close associates. This concentration of wealth, along with an extremely high rate of population growth, meant that most Kenyans did not realize a correspondingly large increase in their living standards under Kenyatta’s leadership. In foreign policy, Kenyatta’s government was consistently friendly toward the West. Always—in spite of his imprisonment by the British authorities—one of the more pro-British of African leaders, Kenyatta made Kenya the most stable black African country and one of the most economically dynamic. After his death at Mombasa in 1978, Kenyatta was succeeded by Daniel arap Moi, who continued most of his policies.
  • Country/Region of Manufacture: Kenya
  • Type: Photograph
  • Original/Licensed Reprint: Original
  • Year of Production: 1961

PicClick Insights - African Leaders Photo Kenyatta Mboya Neyere Nairobi Kenya Vintage 1961 Original PicClick Exclusive

  •  Popularity - 1 watcher, 0.0 new watchers per day, 24 days for sale on eBay. Normal amount watching. 0 sold, 1 available.
  •  Best Price -
  •  Seller - 808+ items sold. 0% negative feedback. Great seller with very good positive feedback and over 50 ratings.

People Also Loved PicClick Exclusive